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individual community; the effect is the better deployment of available resources,
intensification . . . as a general response to new political demands' (ibid.: 47-8).
Imperial powers of the Levant were a 'source of movement', requisitioning systems
creating social and economic demand for all sorts of goods and people from abroad,
the central part of centre and periphery relationships. From the Levantine coastal
margin in the first half of the first millennium developed the Phoenician koine, a
network of routes and communities over the Mediterranean, many already long-
established. Into this network moved the Greek aristocracy in the eighth century,
intensifying links and a mobility which served their interests and demands.
Purcell provides an easy prime-mover, ecological diversity, for the social changes
he considers. But this ecological determinism may be discarded without seriously
damaging the observations on the connections between economy, war and travel.
Although the independence of a household economic unit is opened to question,
trade is subordinated to wider concepts of movement and mobility, and the
economic evaporates into a cultural field of travel, social links, obligations and
dependencies.
This is an historical field too: the inter-regional links of the eastern Mediterranean
were long established, as emphasised by Purcell (also Kochavi 1992; Morris 1992;
for summary comment Sherratt and Sherratt 1991); I have already made reference to
the case of Lefkandi: (Popham 1982, 1994; Popham et al. 1980). The Aegean in the
second millennium was linked with many communities abroad. The Aegean states
were in an international milieu from the start. Those Greeks setting out in the eighth
century from Korinth were accessing again links, experiences and meanings (of the
external, the exotic and the East). They may not have been Korinthian of course.
This does not substantially affect my sketch. Indeed carriers who came from outside
Korinth would add to the 'international' character of this 'trading assemblage'.

Experience and the constitution of geographical space
Malinowski's classic ethnography of the Trobriand islanders, Argonauts of the Western
Pacific (1922), gives account of the Kula ring, the great cycle of Melanesian gift-
exchange. Travelling in their canoes on long journeys, the Kula voyagers enact the
adventures of mythical culture heroes (Helms 1988:46) endeavouring in the Kula to
affirm their individuality, freedom and fame through travel, esoteric knowledge and
the exchange of extraordinary goods - shell armbands and necklaces. Authority too,
displayed in the exchange deals pulled off, the artifacts owned, the knowledge and
know-how acquired (Scodiiti and Leach 1983: 272).
In Trobriand cosmology the geometric form of the circle (necklaces, armbands,
the Kula 'ring') stands for complete knowledge of the cosmos, realisable, but never
actually attained, by journeying men, given that only they have the capability of
knowing the world through travel, diving under the sea, exploring the terrestrial
world of caves, climbing mountains. In their travel, which is as much ritual as
opportunity for entrepreneurial gain (Uberoi 1971: 141-7), men's names become
associated with shells, so the Kula hero may hope to achieve ultimate prestige
through immortality, the circulation in space of Kula goods transformed by naming
Art and the Greek City State 202


and association into personal preservation in time unending (Scoditti and Leach
1983:271-2).
Trobriand earth and distant lands of Kula contacts, bridged by the ocean, corre-
spond to inner and outer experience (Montague 1980: 74-8, 83-6). The outer world
of experience is like stone, solid, substantial, directly visible, and includes the living
people of the Trobriands. Inner experience is amorphous, like the wind, only
indirectly perceptible (noises and scents), full of movement, and ghostly. Foreign
lands, being out of sight, are associated with inner experience, and foreigners, though
they appear solid, are conceived as amorphous beings, just as the ocean appears solid
but dissolves into movement in the Kula voyage.
Mary Helms has provided an invaluable comparative ethnography of the experien-
ces of trade, exchange and travel in her book Ulysses' Sail (1988). As well as an
economic activity, the travel in trade is variously experienced as fun and enjoyment
opportunity for companionship and establishing self-identity. Its ritual defines an
ideological field as much as an economic function, involving goods often conceived
sacred, because invested with so much social significance. Travellers, delvers into the
unknown, frequently engage in competitive rivalry through their Kula goods and
through displays of knowledge which negotiate social standing and authority. A
major argument in relation to the mobility of people and goods is that geographical
displacement needs to be associated with other forms of distance, including cos-
mologies, mentalites and what may be termed the conceptual space of lifeworld.

The conceptual space of archaic Korinthian design
Here then I trace a continuity between geographical space and mental maps, but
involving also secular cosmologies and ideologies of social distance. Beginning with
Figure 1.1, the ruined fragments of archaic Korinthian lifeworlds have helped me
construct images of the new scales of building, personal and public spaces redefined,
the old space of the oikos augmented and transformed. Sanctuary sitings, the
Perachora headland, the narrowing of isthmus with Akrokorinthos and Korinthia as
backdrop, are highlighted by new building projects and public activities - designed
vistas. With continued haptic experiences of the touch of smooth fine ceramic comes
surface treatment and scale which brings the aryballos or cup close, just as the lack of
graphical accent of geometric pattern repelled close attention. These may be termed
new vectors or scales of phenomenological reach: spaces of personal and cultural
definition, encounters with alterity.
The conceptual space of Korinthian ceramic imagery is one which works upon
alterity and in relation to the fields of the domestic and gender. The presentation of
masculine sovereignty is one of ambivalence and mediation between different states
such as animal, human and divine (summarised perhaps in the figures of bird and
fighting soldier); referenced are distinctions to do with particular conceptions of
masculine and feminine identity.
The stylised wild animals and figures representing bodily control, the scenes of
violence and references to soldiery, the absence of the everyday and of agriculture,
the connections with the east and with travel can be interpreted as delineating a
Trade and the consumption of travel 203


world which belongs with that of the mercenary who moves away from home,
inhabits spaces removed from the household and polis. I related this sort of mascu-
line sovereignty to a war-machine - concepts, meanings, powers to do with perma-
nent war and the identities by which it is sustained. Standardised hoplite weaponry
can be related to techniques of the. body: postures, disciplines, articulated in arts,
practices and lifestyles.
The glory of praise achieved through travel, a form of kleos, might well be accom-
panied by the acquisition of keintelia, treasure (Morris 1986: 8, 9; Finley 1978:
60-1). Kurke (1991: esp. Chapters I and 2) has outlined the relationship of the
general economy of the archaic oikos to its moral geography. The hero, representative
of his oikos, was bound to its space, marked by the house itself, its land and the
presence of ancestors. The symbolic capital of the oikos was its treasury of kleos
(renown), crystallised in its keimelia and agalmata. But the renewal of the ancient and
ancestral kleos of the oikos took the hero away to acquire deeds and exchange
agalmata. The result was what Kurke terms the 'loop of nostos (homecoming)'. This
is typified by Odysseus, his travels and (inevitable) homecoming. It is exemplified in
a new genre and idiom by Pindar's odes, celebrating the victory and homecoming of
aristocratic athletes; here though, Pindar's art is its mediation of individual kleos and
a new civic pride and duty,
The ships for long-distance travel, supplied ultimately by landed wealth, belong
with lifestyles of display, war, raiding and movement into spaces beyond the local
and everyday. Its material culture and world of experiences constitute a repertoire of
style. The colonies, cemeteries and sanctuaries mark out the space of the polis,
conceptually and in terms of territory and geography. Colonies are at the edge of the
Greek, or at least (by definition) beyond the limits of the mother city. Their indepen-
dence is ambiguous: dependent upon mother city in origin, but a pristine design of
polis in new lands. This is related to the ambiguity of the colonial founder, social
outcast, but later colonial hero, found in ancient accounts and dealt with below,
Cemeteries mark the boundary of living community and the dead; they may also be
found at the edges of the community. Sanctuaries may have identified the limits of
the polis; they mark the boundary between human and divine. Korinthian pottery, in
its design, travel and consumption significantly as gift (to dead and divinity) is an
actualisation of ambivalence. The gift mediates giver and receiver, establishes a link
between them, and their equivalence, but also the subordination of receiver to giver.
An object inalienable from the social relationships by which it is constituted, it
objectifies the link between giver and receiver, representing the giver to the receiver.
The gift is both the person of the giver and object. Hence the gift marks ambivalence
(Mauss 1954; Richman 1982). Korinthian ceramics in their design, exchange and
consumption, their conceptual space, mark the boundaries.


The Phoenicians, east and west
Art and the Greek City State 204




Then there came a Phoenician, knowledgeable and wily,
a greedy rodent who had done a lot of bad things to men.
He won me round with his clever reasoning so we went to
Phoenicia, where he had his houses and goods.
Odyssey 14.288-91
Tyre, the crowning city, whose merchants are princes, whose traffickers are
the great and honourable of the earth.
Isaiah 23.8
Analysis of the places where scarabs and similar traded objects have been found,
reveals discrete and separate distributions: for example the Perachora material
(Greece) is stylistically separable from Campanian imported orientalia (Italy) (Mar-
koe 1992: 81 based on Holbl 1979 I: 214-15, 220-1). Markoe (1992) and Ridgway
(1992a) both consider that this pattern of distribution of imported goods and of
mineral sources reveals an important role for Phoenicians in Italy, shared spheres of
commercial interest with Italians and Greeks. Sherratt and Sherratt (1991, 1993)
give much importance, in their social system for the first millennium, to enterprising,
entrepreneurial Phoenicians, a professional mercantile cadre. What is to be made of
these Phoenicians?
Aubet (1993) has developed a systemic model of the Phoenician city states and
their trade. As Purcell emphasised the motivation for Phoenician activities clearly
had a great deal to do with Assyria. Tiglath-Pileser III (745-727 BC) and his
successors Shalmaneser V and Sargon II built a military ring around an independent
Tyre, one of whose kings, Mattan II, was forced to pay tribute amounting to 150
talents of gold (some 4,300 kg) (Aubet 1993: 73). For Aubet, tribute, rather than
outright domination, was a way of exerting control and directing Phoenician interest
while respecting autonomy (ibid.: 74). Assyrian demand was for raw materials,
particularly metals. Phoenicia was no mere vassal of Assyria. Accordingly Aubet
looks to the internal dynamics of Phoenician society for understanding their trading
interests and activities.
Aubet (1993: Chapter 4) closely examines the historical sources for the mechan-
isms of Phoenician trade in the first half of the first millennium BC in the light of
historical and anthropological models of the ancient economy, such as were outlined
above (see pp. 200-1). The sources are surprisingly meagre:
an account given by an Egyptian Wen-Amon of a journey from Egypt to Phoenicia
and dated to about 1070 BC (text translated in Aubet 1993: Appendix 2);
biblical sources - the Hebrew prophets, particularly the oracles against Tyre in the
books of Isaiah and Ezekiel (sources gathered in Aubet 1993: Appendix 3);
a diplomatic document (a treaty between Baal of Tyre and Asarhaddon of Assyria
and dated to 675-671 BC);
the Homeric epics.
Trade and the consumption of travel 205


Aubet finds no evidence for any clear evolution of trading systems, for example the
development of private mercantile enterprise from state controlled exchange and
distribution. Nor is there any opposition between reciprocity or gift exchange in a
ceremonial economy in which rank and status prevailed, and mercantile trade
concerned with profit and market. So the formalist-substantivist distinction is not a
formal opposition. Instead Aubet finds there was a mixture of exchange relationships
involving eastern imperial monarchies, the Phoenician monarchy, oligarchic elites
organised into trading partnerships, and private independent ventures, often as
much piracy as trade.
The essential question is not whether Phoenician trade in the ninth to seventh
centuries was basically a private or a state undertaking . . . public trade and
private initiative, almost always associated with the search for profits and the
desire for gain, were perfectly complementary. It was a synchronous process
in which both the private sector and the palace were looking for profits and in
which the palace needed the private merchant as much as the trader needed
the protection of the palace.
(Aubet 1993:95-6)
Other notable features of Phoenician activity include a pronounced family orienta-
tion - the guilds or mercantile consortia behaved like family brotherhoods. Epi-
graphic evidence indicates that there were price/market fluctuations and operations.
The temple acted as a financial body, lending on interest, and was fully involved in
trade: religious institutions were fully embedded in the economy.
Archaic trade in Homer, much associated with 'Sidonians', Phoenicians and
other foreigners, is clearly individual enterprise, not organised, but casual, neverthe-
less also associated with management by Phoenician monarchs, their gift-exchange
and hospitality (Aubet 1993: 102-7). Homer's attitude to trade is the characteristic
Greek and aristocratic one of disapproval of mercantile activity (emporie) in contrast
to prexis or ergon trade (as in Hesiod), more akin to piracy. Such (prexislergon) trade
was mentioned above (in discussion of Humphreys pp. 197-8) as complementary to
the agricultural cycle. Emporie was left to the emporos, a specialised professional, often
seen as untrustworthy and foreign. These professionals were not sailing in sleek war
galleys: large Phoenician merchant vessels, the ships of Byblos, are known from the
middle of the third millennium BC (ibid.: 146-8).
To illustrate the heterogeneity of trading activities consider the silver krater of
Achilles and its life-cycle recounted in the Iliad (23.740f). It appears offered as a
prize in the funeral games of Patroklos. Of Sidonian manufacture it was carried by
Phoenician traders, set up in various harbours (stesan en limenessi Iliad 23.745),
presumably for sale, but was given as gift to king Thoas of Lemnos. It later served as
ransom for one of Priam's sons held by Patroklos. Odysseus won it in the games and
took it back to Ithaka. Such items are called keimelia - things to be stored and
treasured, not used, and there to be given as a gift, but they may be bought or stolen
too.
The issue of the Phoenicians is intimately involved in questions of orientalising
Art and the Greek City State 206


contact between Greece and the east. To some, the archaeological links seem so close
that resident or itinerant 'foreign' craftsmen have been proposed, making their goods
of eastern style in Greece (Boardman 1980: 57f; Burkert 1992: 21-5; Dunbabin
1957: 40-1; Filippakis 1983; Markoe 1992: 68-9; 77-9,84; Muscarella 1992: 44-5;
Ridgway 1992: 111-18, 1992a; Treister 1995). For Coldstream this involved direct
foreign investment with Phoenician perfume manufacturing or bottling facilities on
Rhodes (1969), Kos {ibid.: 2), and Krete (1979: 261-2, 1986: 324; discussion by
Jones 1993; see also Frankenstein 1979). Phoenicians have been proposed to be
living at Kommos on Krete because of what looks to the excavator like Phoenician
cult (Shaw 1989).
The basis of these suppositions is almost entirely stylistic interpretation - that
some sort of prolonged contact or presence was necessary for Greek style or goods to
be so influenced, for certain orientalia to be present in the quantities observed. I will
question the validity of this link between style and ethnicity in the next section. I
conclude this section with the general picture to emerge from Kopcke and To-
kumaru's.synoptic edited book (1992) on Greek Mediterranean links from the tenth
to eighth centuries BC: there was mediation and heterogeneity rather than a bifurca-
tion of Greek and 'barbarian', gift-exchange and mercantile activity.

The orientalising cauldron
I suggest that the question of whether Greek or Phoenician traders/carriers were
responsible for the movement of goods is inappropriate. Cutting instead through to
stronger archaeological inferences, concepts of mobility and movement, heterogene-
ity and mixture (whether of goods or people or ideas) are enough. The Mediterra-
nean thus becomes in these times a cauldron of cultures (Morel 1984; Morris 1992;
Purcell 1990: 33; Snodgrass 1994: 2).
Colonies were mixtures of Greek and non-Greek, and the Greek itself was not
homogeneous:
The description of, say, Syracuse, as 'a Corinthian colony' need mean little
more than that the oikist and his immediate entourage came from Corinth.
Does not Archilochos, with his cry that 'the ills of all Greece have come
together in Thasos' (West 102), imply such a picture?
(Snodgrass 1994: 2)


Ethnicity and identity are concepts which apply to a dynamic condition of contesta-
tion and negotiation in the face of 'otherness'; this is shown in a startling way by
Clifford's portrayal of contemporary identity in Mashpee (1988) and Hebdige's
classic work on sub-cultural style in the 1970s (1979), The relationships between
ethnicity and material culture style are neither simple nor direct. This has been one of
the main findings of archaeological theory and ethnoarchaeology of the last twenty
years (consider the papers in Conkey and Hastorf, 1990, and, for classical archaeol-
ogy, the work of Hall (1993, 1995)). Hence orientalising Korinthian design is not
well understood as an interaction between east and Greek. This is the root of many
207
Trade and the consumption of travel


false lines of questioning which assume clear ethnic and national distinctions in
material culture; Greek or Phoenician originality, movement of people or goods?


Colonisation and its discourse
A major dimension, indeed evidence, of mobility is colonisation. It is not my
intention here to review the discussion about Greek colonisation in the eighth and
seventh centuries. It is not necessary. After Carol Dougherty's presentation (1993)
of ancient accounts of colonial foundations, consider rather the extant historical
sources on colonisation, its discourse, and analogies with the cultural assemblage
formed by Korinthian design.
Plutarch on the founding of Syracuse:
Melissos had a son named Aktaion, the most handsome and modest young
man of his age. Aktaion had many suitors, chief among them Archias, a
descendant of the Herakleidai and the most conspicuous man in Korinth,
both in wealth and general power. Archias couldn't persuade Aktaion to be
his lover, so he decided to carry him off by force. He gathered together a
crowd of friends and servants who went to Melissos's house in a drunken
state and tried to take the boy away. Aktaion's father and friends resisted; the
neighbours ran out and helped fight the assailants, but, in the end, Aktaion
was pulled to pieces and killed. The friends then ran away, and Melissos
carried the corpse of his son into the marketplace of Korinth where he set it
on display, asking reparations from those who had done this. But the
Korinthians did nothing more than pity the man. Unsuccessful, Melissos
went away and waited for the Isthmian festival when he went up to the temple
of Poseidon, decried the Bakchiadai and reminded the god of his father
Habron's good deeds. Calling upon the gods he then threw himself from the
rocks. Not long after this plague and drought came down on the city. When
the Korinthians consulted the god about relief, they were told that the anger
of Poseidon would not subside until they sought punishment for Aktaion's
death. Archias heard this because he was one of the delegation consulting the
oracle of Apollo, and he decided, of his own free will, not to return to
Korinth. Instead he sailed to Sicily and founded the colony of Syracuse.
Moralia 772e-773b

A frequently found narrative form in the founding of colonies is that of an act of
murder, followed by expulsion of the murderer as act of purification (in consultation
with Delphic Apollo), then the creative act of foundation of a colony by the exile.
With features of radical break with mother city, mediation through the otherness of
divinity, and sanction of creative sovereignty, the threat of disorder is withheld by
expulsion of the threatening element which in turn, after contact with divinity,
becomes a source of vital sovereignty - the new colonial city state. I have commented
above on similarities with the narrative form of tyranny and reconstructions of
ideologies of sovereignty. The sovereignty of the oikist (transferred to the state in
208
Art and the Greek City State


McGlew's account (1993)) is reflected also in the planned layout of colonial settle-
ment:
Politically, this planned element is one of the reflections of the power of the
oikist; but culturally it is even more significant, in that it shows the Greek
mind grappling with entirely fresh problems.
(Snodgrass 1994: 8; see also Malkin 1987: 135-86)
Colonies play upon their separateness from mother city in design and material
culture. Another archaeological dimension of this discourse is the competition and
emulation to be seen in mortuary practices between the colonies, and less between
mother cities and colonies (Shepherd 1993) (though there are links, for example at
Syracuse, mentioned in the previous chapter). Awareness also of indigenous practi-
ces complements this negotiation of sovereignty.

The consumption of travel
According to Alkaios, his brother Antimenidas fought as mercenary for the Baby-
lonians and killed a giant:




Now I'll be called an auxiliary, like a Karian.
Archilochos West 216
Morgan (1988; 336) reminds us that there is no evidence for us to associate
aristocracy with early trade, a position supported for Korinth by Snodgrass: 'the
legendary wealth and power of the Bakchiad aristocracy seems to have begun
improbably early for it to have been founded in commerce' (1980a: 147).
For the eighth century Morgan comments:
Korinthian involvement in the Gulf was probably limited to small scale
activity by private, non-aristocratic, individuals for personal motives; even if
aristocrats were the group who needed, and eventually acquired, metal, it
seems unlikely that they went out to get it themselves. Trading was unlikely to
have enhanced the status of participants.
(Morgan 1988: 336-7}
In the interpretation of Korinthian design I have developed there is no need to
depend upon aristocratic traders. Design has been treated as a nexus of interest and
ideology, as well as social practices, intimately involved with definitions of self and
class. But aristocracy is not simply a social rank; as a class it is a set of relationships
Trade and the consumption of travel


and modes of translation of interest, and I have attempted to elucidate some of these.
Accordingly it is a mistake to use archaeological sources to construct historical
6
Art, design and the constitutive imagination
in the early city state


Through the fragments of practices and lifeworlds a series of dispositions and stories
can be traced. Much of what I have had to write could be said to do with the changing
culture of the archaic city state and its ideologies of sovereignty, but it is not enough
to leave it at that, for ideology, and indeed the class structure involved in the new
discourses of sovereignty, are relationships; they are worked through people's practi-
ces. In the same way the aryballos both signifies and connects or translates: this is its
social work, permeated by reworking, contradiction and contestation. Interpretation
and uncertainty are endemic to social production, both past and present.
Archaeologists are dealing with the constitutive imagination - the making of goods
and the building of worlds to live in. But the new imagery of Korinth is not simply an
imaginary or decorative world, part of something like Renfrew's 'protective system'
of society, as Snodgrass suggests for Attic Geometric figures scenes (Snodgrass 1979:
128). I have discussed the heroic ethos of late dark age Greece. Consider Gernet's
comment (Gernet 1981: 144) that myth is not a way of thinking with images, but is
the images themselves in a field of the affective. I read this as doubting the distinction
between image and theme represented, or between 'generic signal' and ethos repre-
sented. Veyne (1988) has also presented an interpretation of Greek myth as only
secondarily referring to a distinction between truth and fiction, reason and fantasy.
Myth is instead primarily pragmatic, establishing relationships between poet and
audience, for example in the case of Pindar (Kurke 1991). Neither true nor false,
myth has an illocutionary force which cannot be reduced to content, being instead
about themes such as anonymous authorship, repetition, the learned. This is again
an argument for seeing beyond the opposition of representation and reality into the
constitutive imagination.
The traditional hereditary and exclusive aristocracy in Korinth were in trouble by
the eighth century BC; this much is certain from the literature. The old ways were
not working; people were not subscribing to conventional legitimations rooted most
probably in birth and wealth. Archaeological evidences of the material cultural
lifeworld of Korinth indicate how the political was being redesigned to involve an
aesthetic field of lifestyle.
I pick up the point that power is about having allies and translating interests, and
that material culture may be effective in doing this. Attention was shifted in Korinth
to recruitment and mobilisation of new resources. There are coordinated in a new
way from the eighth century orientations towards war and violence, represented by
the design of weaponry and graphical depiction of violence, and by what is done with
Art, design and the constitutive imagination in the early city state 211


weaponry - discipline, the aesthetics of wounding, the dedication to divinity, for
example. Religion becomes the focus of communal energies, of the display of new
craft skills, a public arena of expenditure - the wealth of patrons or indeed of a
community, dedications offered to divinity. There were developed new visual and
architectural environments. The new expenditures were made in a nexus of religion,
trade and travel. Powers over movement and space find expression in fields of
mobility and mediation, shipping and sanctuaries..
Ceramic design, the emergence of a new taste regarding the form and decoration
of ceramic fineware, is clearly part of a new display of expenditure and investment in
war and religion, travel and trade too, and part of the new and increasing visual
environment. This new environment provided a frame and gave cues to the possibil-
ity and appropriateness of actions, particularly the actions of the propertied class,
those with the wealth and leisure to experience and exploit new opportunities. It was
now appropriate to use wealth to build a large public and monumental temple with
finely worked and decorated surfaces, to invest energy in that which was beyond the
local community and to travel with fine and decorated perfume jars. The body, self
and gender are important themes in these new developments. Other conceptions, for
example of a productive field gendered feminine, were set in opposition or mar-
ginalised. To accept, find significance in, enjoy figured design is to enter an ideologi-
cal world of masculine sovereignty, a world which determines the powers of a
minority over others, and the mechanisms whereby this may be achieved. The new
developments involved redefinition or reworking of the material and conceptual
resources at the base of elite practice, new orientations for the energies of the
propertied class and its community.
Here, in this expressive politics, this repertoire of style, are the elements of an
efficient technology of power. Technology may be defined as a nexus of knowledge
and technique and to do with knowledgeable agents achieving interests and desired
ends. Technology refers to many disparate fields of applied (systems of) knowledge. Just
as a worker employs or makes reference to a technology (body of applied knowledge
and its objects) in achieving ends, so too we may conceive a social agent employing a
technology of social power in achieving ends. How do we get our way in social life?
What are the bodies of applied knowledge (i.e. practical and not propositional)? You
can beat someone (skills and tools may well be relevant here). You may make a
speech (rhetorical skills relevant here). Technologies of power include some or all of
the following:

systems of wealth and property which enable projects to be realised;
tools, to operate upon raw material and realise a design;
weapons and war-machines, to be used (symbolically too) to enforce interests;
environments or settings for particular kinds of project and action;
knowledges and information, as the basis of actions with and upon others;
concepts and practices of the self and body, ideas of the powers and limits which
are appropriate to both;
systems of rhetoric and persuasion as essential to the translation of interest;
Art and the Greek City State 212


aesthetic systems which indicate the appropriateness of action and which may also
work in translating interests by establishing metaphorical links.

I trust it is clear how this listing relates to the cultural assemblage built in archaic
Korinth.
The efficiency of this particular technology lies in flexibility and scope, and in the
provision of opportunities for richly textured experiences and gratifications. That we
may recognise its workings now is a testament to that efficiency: it works.
This new technology of power centred on expression, a transformation of power
into an aesthetic and expressive field. This involves a discourse of sovereignty.
Artifacts and new cultural experiences make visible, rework, articulate, embody and
clarify, sometimes even obscure, a series of links between violence, masculinity, what
I termed otherness or alterity, divinity, animal and bodily form, and links with the
absences - the domestic everyday and feminine. I have shown how these may be
central to a relationship of dominance and subordinance, between an overlord and
an underclass. I outlined a cultural complex, masculine sovereignty, and showed the
importance of lifestyle and particular conceptions of self and body - aesthetic fields.
Their representation in visual form draws attention to these ideas and dispositions.
And however slight the importance of Korinthian imagery may have been in the
beginning, this visual environment grew. That the designs also seem to clarify in the
relations they represent suggests that there was no established set of ideas and
dispositions to be represented, but that the design of pottery grew with the realisation
of the significance of these powers and their technologies.
Korinthian ceramics display traditional manufacture and design, but also devi-
ation from these into risk and the moment of manufacture, above all a new visual
field. This is a new articulation of tradition and innovation and implicates ideological
time in the way just described - past and pregnant futures, and the moment of
decisive encounter.
Birth is not at ail central to the working of technologies of power which foreground
style, the aesthetic, display, expenditure and reference to gender and conceptions of
body and self. The old aristocratic oikoi and retainers worked as well, if not better, with
these expanded dimensions of cultural practice. Birth may still have been referenced,
but was dispensable. Tyranny at Korinth usurped the recently elaborated technologies
of power while retaining reference to the weight of tradition in the notion of monarchic
rule (Kypselos as basileus). Here again is that mixture of tradition and innovation.
But we are not seeing simply the development of an aristocratic ideal. Various
projects were at work. Someone with the requisite wealth and aspiration would not
have come to a potter with a demand for a new class of goods, so much as an interest, a
sensitivity to the expression of themes to do with style, violence, war and animal and
human form, as well as the old certainties of traditional style. This interest may have
been generated elsewhere, but found (partial) realisation in the responses of the
potters over the years, who produced figured Korinthian wares, designs which
clarified and gave form to the new technologies of power, just as did the weapons
systems, the stone kouroi, ships, stories and experiences of travel.
Art, design and the constitutive imagination in the early city state 213


The potter, attending to the need to dispose of their products, translated the
growing interest in figurative imagery and an exotic visual environment into an
iconography upon miniature vessel forms, developing a new workmanship of risk
rather than certainty, with expressions of self and creativity. Their wares supplied the
symbolic economies of new lifestyles, networks of distribution and consumption.
All potters need an outlet for their products (other than in the exceptional case of
pottery done for the pleasure of the potter). The relationship here is not so much one
between a potter and a market, but one between a potter and an interest. A simple
relation of positive feedback between potter and interest accounts for the develop-
ment of the style. But the lack of definition to this interest, in times when power and
style had not been expressed in this way, gave a relative autonomy to the potter,
enhanced by the lack of heavy demand, and by the relative social and technological
independence of the potting oikoi. This gave space for the exploration of a new and
explicit (political) aesthetic. The resultant energy is carried on through the later
development of Korinthian and Greek ceramic design.
Korinthian design was, then, not the output of the creative genius of Greek potters
meeting with ideas and artistic schemata of the east. It is not part of some overarching
evolution of style. The pots were the result of an accidental meeting of interest in an
aesthetics of sovereignty or power and a conservative and specialised technique of
production and firing.
Trade abroad is deemed meaningful even in the ideology of pottery design,
intersecting orientalia, movement beyond the domestic, agencies of shipping to new
colonies, experiences of adventure and travel in a Mediterranean koine of mobility
and interregional links, and the miniature wares were also suitable for restricted
cargo space.
Some may have interpreted the pots and imagery as part of their interest in aspiring
to new sovereignty through expressive lifestyles and their accoutrement. The colonist
in Italy placing a perfume jar in a grave was uniting all sorts of things - feelings for the
dead, Greek identities and links with Greek cities (pots from mother city Korinth),
traders, a cultural edge of eastern and exotic motifs, a visual imagery and attendant
experiences of masculine and aristocratic sovereignty, decorative order and securities
of tradition. The colonist translated these into their own project of attending to the
dead, dealing with identity, death and the otherness it represents.
Korinthian pottery from the late eighth century was part of a heterogeneous
mixture woven through the projects of potter and consumer to get away from the old
political ways and struggles, a network of connections, a manifold and insidious
cultural assemblage. The focus on and through the body is a powerful and flexible
metaphoric idiom, allowing augmentation and easy translation into various projects.
This flexibility and multiplicity is the root of a popularity attested by the growth of
production into the sixth century and export across the Mediterranean. In the
intimate association with this cultural assemblage was the power of Greek aristo-
cratic interest. Therein was also what we call the polis.
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