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Bromham and Bruzzi, Changeling, discuss the anti-Catholic elements of
the latter on pp. 19, 31±2, 45, 47±8, 120±3, 136, 152±4, 156±165, 169,
174±9, 184±5.
64 In `Emblem and Antithesis in The Duchess of Mal®', Renaissance Drama,
11 (1980), pp. 115±34, Catherine Belsey argues that this play's structure
shows a balance between formal iconographical representation and
the narrative's dynamic moral evolution. Leslie T. Duer, `The Painter
and the Poet: Visual Design in The Duchess of Mal®', Emblematica 1:2
(1986), pp. 293±307, compares the visual effect of the emblem in the
dramatic text to the moment when an anamorphic image becomes
recognisable.
65 Muriel Bradbrook, Themes and Conventions in Elizabethan Tragedy (2nd edn.
London: Cambridge University Press, 1980), p. 163. See also Nancy G.
Wilds, ` ``Of Rare Fire Compact'': Image and Rhetoric in The Revenger's
Tragedy', Texas Studies in Literature and Language, 17.1 (1975), pp. 61±74,
esp. pp. 61±2.
66 All quotations and line-references are taken from Lawrence J. Ross's
edition of The Revenger's Tragedy (London: Edward Arnold, 1967).
67 E.g. in Ross's introduction (p. 65).
68 Cf. Legenda Lignea, discussing famous converts to Rome: `[Richard
240 Notes to pages 44±8
Crashaw] is fallen in love with his own shadow, conversing with himself
in verse, and admiring the birth of his own brains' (f.M5b).
69 For the apocalyptic associations of foul weather, see Joseph Wittreich,
` ``Image of That Horror'': The Apocalypse in King Lear', Patrides and
Weittreich (eds.), The Apocalypse in English Renaissance Thought and Litera-
ture, pp. 175±206.
70 E.g. ii i, ll. 16±17; v iii, l. 27; v iii, l. 162 ff. See Bradbrook, Themes,
pp. 183±8.
71 Bradbrook, Themes, p. 231.
72 All quotations and line-references are taken from The White Devil, ed.
J. R. Mulryne (London: Edward Arnold, 1970).
73 William Rankins, The Mirrour of Monsters (1587), ff.21a±22b.
74 Turning in®del, and worshipping idols, was cant for becoming a
prostitute. In support of his identi®cation of the cant term, Ross (The
Revenger's Tragedy, p. 42) cites `pagan' in 2 Henry IV ii ii, l.168.
75 Trials are important loci of exposure, as Maus, `Proof ', has commented
(pp. 39±41).
76 One of the few critics to notice this is H. B. Franklin, `The Trial Scene
of Webster's The White Devil Examined in Terms of Renaissance
Rhetoric', Studies in English Literature 1500±1900, 1 (1961), pp. 35±51. For
Webster's exploitation and transmutation of the topoi of his era, see
Robert Ornstein, The Moral Vision of Jacobean Tragedy (Madison: Uni-
versity of Wisconsin Press, 1960), p. 6. Sandra Clark, Elizabethan
Pamphleteers (London: Athlone, 1983), pp. 226±7, discusses the image-
clusters by which pamphleteers evoked whores.
77 E.g. King, English Reformation Literature, p. 266, who discusses Luke
Shepherd's The Upchering of the Messe [1548].
78 Anders Dallby, The Anatomy of Evil: A Study of John Webster's `The White
Devil' (Cwk Gleerup Lund: Lund Studies in English 48, 1974), p. 140:
see also Floyd Lowell Goodwin Jnr., Image Pattern and Moral Vision in John
Webster (Salzburg Studies in English Literature, 1977), pp. 16±33;
Frederick F. Waage, The White Devil Discover'd: Backgrounds and Foregrounds
to Webster's Tragedy (New York: Peter Lang, 1984), p. 54. For devils in
crystal, see Barnabe Googe, The Popish Kingdome, ed. R. C. Hope
(London: Chiswick, 1880), f.57b:
Besides in glistering glasses fayre, or else in christall cleare
They sprightes enclose . . .
79 This is one allusion to contemporary religious polemic that has been
noticed. Waage, White Devil, ch. 9, discusses the common assumptions
shared by Adams and Webster; see also George A. Aitken, `John
Webster and Thomas Adams', Academy, 35, pp. 133±4; Gustav Cross, `A
Note on The White Devil', N & Q , 201 (1956), pp. 99±100, who cites
other uses of the phrase in contemporary texts; R. W. Dent, Webster's
Borrowing (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1960), index under
Thomas Adams.
Notes to pages 48±9 241
80 Dallby, Anatomy, pp. 126±9: Waage, White Devil, p. 54. See also Muriel
Bradbrook, John Webster: Citizen and Dramatist (London: Weidenfeld &
Nicholson, 1980), p. 132.
81 Richard Bodtke, Tragedy and the Jacobean Temper: the Major Plays of John
Webster (Salzburg Studies in English Literature, 1972), p. 198, comments
that Ludovico in iv iii automatically paints a pejorative picture of
woman when commenting on the dissimulation of the pope.
82 This identi®cation seems more probable than either Sixtus V or Paul V,
both of whom have been suggested in the past. Paul IV is the title that
Monticelso takes at his election, while the real Paul IV had been well-
known in England as Giampietro Caraffa, and Monticelso's Black Book
in iv i can be seen as a parody of the Papal Index which Paul IV
introduced. See also John Russell Brown, `The Papal Election in
Webster's The White Devil (1612)', N & Q , 202 (1957), pp. 490±4.
83 Theatre Arts, August 1955: quoted in Webster: `The White Devil' and `The
Duchess of Mal®'. A Casebook, ed. Roger V. Holdsworth (London: Mac-
millan, 1975), p. 235; this volume, and Webster: the Critical Heritage, ed.
Don D. Moore (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1981), afford over-
views of a vast literature. Sanford Sternlicht, in John Webster's Imagery and
the Webster Canon (Salzburg Studies in English Literature, 1972) traces the
critical history of Elizabethan and Jacobean dramatic imagery, identi-
fying as most in¯uential the opposed critical approaches of Caroline
Spurgeon whose studies concentrated on iterated individual images, and
Wilson Knight, who preferred to take images in context; he uses a
cumulative de®nition of imagery as important in rhetorical economy, the
presentation and exposition of character, the creation of mood, the
structuring of the plot and the presentation of thematic lines. The
following are signi®cant individual articles: Una Ellis-Fermor, `The
imagery of The Revengers Tragedie and The Atheists Tragedie', MLR, 30 (1935),
pp. 289±301; Hereward T. Price, `The Function of Imagery in Webster',
PMLA, 70 (1955), pp. 717±39; Inga-Stina Ekeblad (Ewbank), `An
Approach to Tourneur's Imagery', MLR, 54 (1959), pp. 489±98. See also
Wilds, ` ``Of Rare Fire Compact'' ', pp. 61±74. But it may be a sign of
weariness that the most recent edition of Webster, ed. David Gunby et al.
(Cambridge University Press, 1995), hardly mentions imagery at all in its
critical introduction. With these critics, as elsewhere in this chapter, one
needs to bear in mind that the attribution of The Revenger's Tragedy to
Middleton rather than Tourneur is of comparatively recent date.
84 Á ‚
De la tant de beautes difformes dans les oeuvres;
Le vers charmant
Est par la torsion subite des concleuvres
Pris brusquement;
A de certains moments toutes les jeunes ¯ores
Ã
Dans la foret

Ont peur, et sur le front des blanches me taphores
Ã
L'ombre apparaµt . . .
242 Notes to pages 49±50
See Swinburne as Critic, ed. Clyde K. Hyder (London: Routledge &
Kegan Paul, 1972), pp. 286±311 (translation of Hugo in notes). See also
Edmund W. Gosse's citation of Gautier with reference to the `lurid'
colours of Webster: Seventeenth-Century Studies (London: Heineman, 1914),
p. 50.
85 T. S. Eliot, `Cyril Tourneur' in Elizabethan Essays (London: Faber &
Faber, 1934), pp. 128±9; cf. `Whispers of Immortality', from T. S. Eliot:
Collected Poems 1909±1935 (London: Faber & Faber, 1954), pp. 53±4.
86 From Vies Imaginaires (Paris: Bibliotheque-Charpentier, 1896), p. 207
(essay pp. 207±15). Eliot condemned the phrase as `hysterical' in the
essay cited above.
87 `The Revenger's Tragedy (c. 1606): Providence, Parody and Black Camp',
ch. 9 in Jonathan Dollimore, Radical Tragedy (Brighton: Harvester, 1984);
see also p. 149.
88 Buggery was often deemed a characteristic popish sin: see Lake, in Cust
and Hughes (eds.), Con¯ict in Early Stuart England, p. 75; King, English
Reformation Literature, pp. 371±2, 384; Thomas Beard, Theatre of Gods
Judgements (1st edn. 1597), p. 359. Marston criticises the Jesuit colleges of
Douai and Valladolid for instilling homosexual habits in the young:
Scourge of Villainie, 2, Marston, Poems, ed. Davenport (1961), pp. 112±13.
John Carey, John Donne: Life, Mind and Art (1981, repr. London: Faber &
Faber, 1990) discusses the imputation of buggery to Jesuits with
reference to Donne's Ignatius His Conclave (pp. 20±1). See also Alan Bray,
Homosexuality in Renaissance England (London: Gay Men's Press, 1982),
pp. 19±21; Alan Stewart, Close Readers: Humanism and Sodomy in Early
Modern England (Princeton University Press, 1997), ch. 2. I am grateful to
Henry Woudhuysen for the latter reference.
89 See Roger MacGraw, `Popular Anticlericalism in Nineteenth-Century
Rural France', in J. Obelkevich et al. (eds.), Disciplines of Faith (London:
Routledge, 1987), pp. 351±71.
90 Jean Pierrot (trans. Derek Coltman), The Decadent Imagination 1880±1900
(University of Chicago Press, 1981), pp. 82, 85±9, 214±19, 224±32, 244.
See also Jennifer Birkett, The Sins of the Fathers: Decadence in France,
1870±1914 (London: Quartet, 1986; Ellis Hanson, Decadence and Catholi-
cism (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1997). The misogy-
nistic implications of the connection are discussed brie¯y by Bram
Dijkstra, Idols of Perversity: Fantasies of Feminine Evil in Fin-de-Siecle Culture
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), pp. 210, 234, 363, 382, and,
from the days before feminist criticism, by Mario Praz (trans. Angus
Davidson), The Romantic Agony (1st edn. Oxford University Press, 1933),
ch. 4.
91 Ronald Firbank, The Arti®cial Princess, pp. 32±3; Vainglory, p. 152: refer-
ences from The Complete Firbank (London: Picador, 1988); cf. also the
reference to Jacobean drama on p. 408, and the theme of relics in
Valmouth. Thomas Pynchon, The Crying of Lot 49 (London: Picador, this
Notes to pages 50±5 243
edn. 1979), ch. 3, can be read as a post-modernist homage to the same
®ctional association.
92 Tourneur, Works, ed. Nicoll, pp. 44±5: on pp. 38±9 he says, unselfcon-
sciously enough, that `often purple passages roughly inspired by
[Tourneur's] verse have done service for exact criticism'.
93 The snake in the Garden of Eden was often given a woman's face in
medieval representations. See Camille, Gothic Idol, pp. 90±1.
94 A. C. Swinburne, The Age of Shakespeare (London: Chatto & Windus,
1908), p. 259, cf. also pp. 260, 266.
95 Ralph Berry, The Art of John Webster (Oxford: Clarendon, 1972), p. 107.
96 Cf. Christopher Ockland's The Fountaine and Welspring of all Variance
(1589), on how Catholics undermine the state.
97 See Dror Wahrman, `From Imaginary Drama to Dramatised Imagery:
The Mappe-Monde Nouvelle Papistique, 1566±67', Journal of the Warburg and
Courtauld Institutes, 54 (1991), pp. 186±205.
98 Wilks, Idea of Conscience, p. 194 (see also pp. 196, 198±9, 217, 219); L. L.
Brodwin, Elizabethan Love Tragedy, 1587±1625 (University of London
Press, 1971), p. 269. Wilks is paraphrasing Webster, who in turn is
alluding to The Old Arcadia (Oxford University Press edition, ed.
Katherine Duncan-Jones, p. 333). I am grateful to Helen Hackett for
pointing this out.
99 Bradbrook, Themes, p. 202; Roma Gill's edition of Women Beware Women
(London: Ernest Benn, 1967), p. xxvi.
100 Margot Heinemann, `Political Drama' in A. R. Braunmuller and
Michael Hattaway (eds.) The Cambridge Companion to Renaissance Drama
(Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 190±1.
101 David Farley-Hills summarises the two usual critical interpretations of
the Websterian world, agnostic pathos versus theological scepticism:
see Jacobean Drama: A Critical Study of the Professional Drama, 1600±1625
(London: Macmillan, 1988), quotation p. 136. For the Calvinist world-
view, see above. Charles R. Forker, The Skull Beneath the Skin (Carbon-
dale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1986), p. 292, gives a critique
of the nihilist approach. Yet another approach ± that of ignoring
religion almost entirely and attributing the evil of Jacobean tragedy to
political unrest ± is manifested by Molly Smith, The Darker World
Within: Evil in the Tragedies of Shakespeare and his Successors (London:
University of Delaware Press, 1991).
102 Elizabethan Love Tragedy, p. 273. Similarly, Isabel Damisch sees in
Webster an equivocal attitude towards religion in the fact that profane
references outweigh sacred in his imagery, and concludes from this
that he is inveighing against a God he does not believe in: `Analyse des
motifs religieux dans les images de trois tragedies de Webster', Caliban:

Annales de l'Universite de Toulouse, 11 (1974), pp. 113±25.
103 G. Wilson Knight, The Golden Labyrinth (London: Phoenix, 1962),
pp. 109±10. Also discussing The Duchess of Mal®, Nicholas Brooke has
244 Notes to pages 55±7
referred to the dumb-show in the Catholic shrine at Loreto as a
`mockery of religion': Horrid Laughter in Jacobean Tragedy (London: Open
Books, 1979), p. 55.
104 Jonathan Dollimore and Alan Sin®eld (eds.), The Selected Plays of John
Webster (Cambridge University Press, 1983) p. xvi, summarising key
arguments in Dollimore's Radical Tragedy (1983) and Sin®eld's Literature
in Protestant England (1983).
105 See notes to Robert N. Watson, `Tragedy', in Braunmuller and Hatt-
away (eds.), Cambridge Companion to Renaissance Drama.
2 catholic poetics and the protestant canon
1 Thomas F. Healy, Richard Crashaw (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1986), introduction;
John R. Roberts (ed.), New Perspectives on the Life and Work of Richard
Crashaw (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1990). Healy's revision-
ist account downplays the continental elements of Crashaw's inherit-
ance, while stressing his Anglicanism. See also Roberts's Richard Crashaw,
an Annotated Bibliography of Criticism, 1632±1980 (Columbia: University of
Missouri Press, 1985: referred to as `Roberts' below) and the essay by
Anthony Low in Thomas N. Corns (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to
English Poetry: Donne to Marvell (Cambridge University Press, 1993).
2 M. H. Abrams (general ed.), The Norton Anthology of English Literature,
vol. i, 6th edition (New York: W. W. Norton, 1993), pp. 1,388±9. For
other (perhaps more obviously outdated) comments on Crashaw in a
widely available literary history, see D. J. Enright, `George Herbert and
the Devotional Poets', Boris Ford (ed.), The New Pelican Guide to English
Literature, vol. iii, `From Donne to Marvell' (Harmondsworth: Penguin,
1954, rev. 1982), pp. 187±204.
3 Discussed in Murray Roston, Milton and the Baroque (London: Mac-
millan, 1980), ch. 1.
4 To borrow the title of a recent conference-paper given by Peter
Davidson at the conference `Papists Misrepresented and Represented'
(University College London, June 1997), another heading for this
chapter might be `Why the English Don't Like the Baroque'. But
Anthony Low's honesty in Love's Architecture: Devotional Modes in 17th-
Century English Poetry (New York University Press, 1978), p. 158, is worth
quoting: `Personally, I ®nd more strain in adjusting to Crashaw than to
any other major seventeenth-century poet, religious or secular . . . That
is all the more reason to read him.' A microcosm of the scholarly debate
on Englishness and baroque poetry can be found in Modern Philology, 61
(1963/4), where succeeding essays by Helen C. White (`Southwell ±
Metaphysical and Baroque') and Mario Praz (`Baroque in England')
argue, respectively, for the Englishness of Southwell's verse and for the
baroque being `alien to the spirit of [England's] tradition' (pp. 159±68
and 169±79, quotation p. 179).
Notes to pages 57±9 245
5 For Southwell's in¯uence and importance as a theorist, see Louis
Martz, The Poetry of Meditation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1954,
rev. edn. 1962), esp. ch. 5; and Pierre Janelle's indispensable Robert
Southwell the Writer (London: Sheed & Ward, 1935, repr. 1971), esp. ch. 6;
Brian Oxley, `The Poetry of an Arti®cial Man: A Study of the Latin and
English Verse of Robert Southwell' (University of St Andrews PhD,
1984). See Introduction for the de®nition of Catholicism used
throughout this study.
6 Crashaw's debt to fourteenth-century mystics and Latin hymns (e.g. the
Stabat Mater) has been recognised: see J. A. W. Bennett, Poetry of the
Passion (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982), p. 146; Healy, Richard Crashaw,
ch. 2.
7 Martz, Poetry of Meditation, pp. 199±210; Janelle, Robert Southwell,
pp. 189±90, 205, 308±14; and (for a later period) Anne Vincent-Buffault,
The History of Tears (English trans. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1991). I am
grateful to Lucy Newlyn for this reference, and to Ceri Sullivan of the
University of Wales, Bangor, for letting me see her unpublished paper,
`The Physiology of Penance: Weeping Texts of the 1590s'.
8 The standard modern edition of Southwell's verse by James H.
Macdonald and Nancy Pollard Brown (Oxford: Clarendon, 1967) has
been used for all quotations. Otherwise, the most important studies are:
Janelle, Robert Southwell; J. H. Macdonald, The Poems and Prose Writings of
Robert Southwell, S.J.: a Bibliographical Study (Oxford: Roxburghe Club,
1937), referred to as `Macdonald' hereafter; Christopher Devlin, The
Life of Robert Southwell, Poet and Martyr (London: Watergate, 1967); Nancy
Pollard Brown, `Robert Southwell: The Mission of the Written Word',
in Thomas M. McCoog, S.J. (ed.), The Reckoned Expense (Woodbridge:
Boydell, 1996); ibid., `Paperchase: The Dissemination of Catholic Texts
in Elizabethan England', English Manuscript Studies 1100±1700, 1 (1989),
pp. 120±43. Vittorio F. Cavalli, `St. Robert Southwell, S.J.: A Selective
Bibliographic Supplement to the Studies of Pierre Janelle and James H.
Macdonald', RH, 21:3 (1993), pp. 297±304, mostly lists theses and
recent facsimile editions.
9 Martz, Poetry of Meditation, esp. pp. 184±97, and ch. 5, `Robert Southwell
and the 17th Century'. See also Anthony Raspa, The Emotive Image: Jesuit
Poetics in the English Renaissance (Fort Worth: Texas Christian University
Press, 1983); A. D. Cousins, Catholic Religious Poets From Southwell to
Crashaw (London: Sheed & Ward, 1991)
10 Anne Lake Prescott, French Poets and the English Renaissance: Studies in Fame
and Transformation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1978) distin-
guishes between acknowledged and unacknowledged in¯uences, and
remarks: `A stalwart like Jonson might scoff at du Bartas but not to
praise a widely admired ®gure would have struck some of the writers I
quote as violating . . . decorum' (p. xii).
246 Notes to pages 59±61
11 E.g. p. 54, st. 26:
See drouzie Peter, see whear Judas wakes,
Whear Judas kisses him whom Peter ¯ies:
O kisse more deadly then the sting of snakes!
False love more hurtfull then true injuries!
Aye me! how deerly God his Servant buies?
For God his man, at his owne blood doth hold,
And Man his God, for thirtie pence hath sold.
So tinne for silver goes, and dung-hill drosse for gold.
In The Spenserian Poets (London: Edward Arnold, 1969), pp. 194±5, Joan
Grundy makes especial reference to Book iii in discussing Fletcher's
debt to Southwell and `Counter-Reformation Poetics'; and Healy,
Richard Crashaw, pp. 153±4, discusses Fletcher's in¯uence on Crashaw.
12 Quoted from Alan Rudrum (ed.), Henry Vaughan: The Complete Poems
(Harmondsworth: Penguin, rev. edn. 1983), p. 142.
13 Martz, Poetry of Meditation, p. 185, quotes the passage as an example of
Southwell's diffused in¯uence. See below for Southwell's in¯uence on
Herbert.
14 Quoted from the edition of Hypercritica in J. E. Spingarn (ed.), Critical
Essays of the 17th Century. Vol.I, 1605±1650 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1908),
p. 110. For Bolton, see DNB.
15 `Conversations with William Drummond': quoted from George Par®tt
(ed.), Ben Jonson, the Complete Poems (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1975), 465.
16 To Anthony Bacon, 5 May [1601?]: printed in James Spedding (ed.), The
Letters and the Life of Sir Francis Bacon, 7 vols (London: Longmans et al.,
1861±74), ii (1862), p. 368. It is not clear whether Bacon knew the piece
was Southwell's.
17 F.W., `The Joyes of Heaven Delivered in Sonnetts . . . ', Bod.
MS.Rawl.c.639, f.6b±7a.
18 See Brown, `Robert Southwell', in McCoog (ed.), Reckoned Expense,
pp. 193±213. I am grateful to Professor Brown for setting me right
about many points to do with Southwell. See also Arthur F. Marotti,
`Southwell's Remains: Catholicism and Anti-Catholicism in Early
Modern England', in Cedric C. Brown and Arthur F. Marotti (eds.),
Text and Cultural Change in Early Modern England (Basingstoke: Macmillan,
1997).
19 See STC 22955±22955.5, 22955.7±22968. The Catholic editions are also
described in ARCR ii, nos. 718±20. For the contents of each edition, see
Macdonald; Macdonald and Brown (eds.), textual introduction; and the
bibliography in Janelle, Robert Southwell. In McCoog (ed.), Reckoned
Expense, p. 200, Brown suggests that Wolfe may not have had a complete
MS of the lyrics, or John Busby would not have published Múoni±; but it
is also possible that the lyrics in Múoni± were deliberately left out of the
®rst edition, or that it is a combination of progressive revelation and
progressive tracking-down. Censorship may have been a factor: Martz,
Poetry of Meditation, pp. 104±5, attributes the `greater boldness of Múoni±
Notes to pages 62±3 247
to the success of the preceding publication'; a poetic sequence on the
life of Mary was obviously Catholic in inspiration, and the poems on
Christ's nativity and childhood from the sequence, the least objection-
able to a Protestant, had appeared earlier in Saint Peters Complaint. Even
so, Múoni± did not print the poems on Mary's death and assumption.
See also note 25.
20 See Macdonald, pp. 4±5; Mario Praz, `Robert Southwell's Saint Peters
Complaint and its Italian Source', MLR, 19 (1924), 273±90.
21 Grundy, Spenserian Poets, p. 194.
22 Though he printed anti-Catholic material for Lord Burghley (see Denis
B. Wood®eld, Surreptitious Printing in England, 1550±1640 (New York:
Bibliographical Society of America, 1973), p. 25), John Wolfe also seems
to have had a number of Catholic contacts. He had printed the only
mainstream edition of any of Southwell's works to appear before 1595,
the meditation Mary Magdalen's Funeral Tears (1st edn. 1591), and Brown
(`Paperchase') has suggested that he may have been responsible for
importing the paper used by clandestine Catholic printers and copyists;
in Elizabethan Impressions: John Wolfe and his Press (New York: AMS, 1988),
Clifford Chalmers Huffman argues that Wolfe was interested in the

views on religious toleration held among the Italian emigre communities
in London (pp. 19±27). See also Martz, Poetry of Meditation, pp. 12±13
and 104±5, for comments on the publication of Southwell's works.
23 See Macdonald and Brown (eds.), p. lv. In his earlier bibliography,
Macdonald (pp. 73±5) conjectured that Wolfe was racing with Cawood
and had a broken MS (hence some poems not appearing, despite their
uncontroversial nature), and detected marks of hurried printing in the
®rst Wolfe edition (pp. 70, 75). According to his account, Cawood's
edition was set up from Wolfe's ®rst edition ± since Cawood had the
right to the book, he could take Wolfe's copy and alter it ± while the
second Wolfe edition was probably printed after Cawood's ®rst.
However, both STC and Brown, `Robert Southwell', put Cawood's ®rst
edition after Wolfe's second.
24 I discuss these tactics in Shell, `Catholic Texts'.
25 For censorship of the obviously Catholic material, see Macdonald,
p. 85; Macdonald and Brown (eds.), pp. xciv, 130±2, 143±4. The ®rst
edition printed in Scotland altered the text to suppress references to the
Virgin Mary as intercessor, and other points of Catholic doctrine
(Macdonald and Brown (eds.), p. lxvii). The contents of Múoni± are
listed in Macdonald, no. 46, and accounts of the publishing history of
individual poems are given in Macdonald and Brown (eds.).
26 Edward Arber (ed.), A Transcript of the Registers of the Company of Stationers
of London; 1554±1640, 4 vols (London: privately printed, 1675±7), ii,
p. 131. Cawood had ± in an early connection with Wolfe ± published
Southwell's Mary Magdalen's Funeral Tears, and may have had Catholic
sympathies: see Brown in McCoog (ed.), Reckoned Expense, p. 200. In
248 Notes to pages 63±4
1581 a member of the Cawood family, described as a bookbinder, was
suspected of printing, binding and selling popish books: BL, MS
Lansdowne 33, ff.148±9. Wolfe was beadle of the Stationers' Company
from 1587.
27 Though entry was technically required before publication, it was not
unusual for publishers to disregard the rule. See Macdonald and Brown
(eds.), p. lxii.
28 CSPD, 1591±4, p. 467 (20 March 1594). Gabriel Cawood makes an
appearance in the previous entry, where William Wiseman reveals in
his examination that he bought a book entitled Hieronymi Prelati de
Societate Jesu `at Cawood's shop in Paul's Churchyard'. See STC, vol. 3,
p. 38.
29 Southwell's full name ®rst appears on the title-page of the St Omer
edition of 1620 (Macdonald and Brown, p. lxxvii). The ®rst title-page of
a mainstream edition to incorporate Southwell's initials is STC 22965,
published in 1620.
30 However, portions of the New Testament were occasionally versi®ed:
e.g. Christopher Tye's translation of Acts ca. 1553 (STC 2983.8 sqq).
31 This is one of the central arguments in Murray Roston, Biblical Drama in
England: From the Middle Ages Till the Present Day (London: Faber & Faber,
1968).
32 Debora K. Shuger, The Renaissance Bible (Berkeley: University of Cali-
fornia Press, 1994), ch. 3; J. A. W. Bennett, Poetry of the Passion (Oxford:
Clarendon, 1982), chs. 6, 7 (whose study stretches over twelve centuries,
rendering the de-emphasis particularly striking). However, Lily B.
Campbell's contention that the wider availability of the Bible had a
liberating effect on English poetry is obviously true in the long term: see
her Divine Poetry and Drama in Sixteenth-Century England (1959, repr. New
York: Gordian, 1972).
33 Campbell, Divine Poetry, chs. 3, 7±8. Roman R. Dubinski, English Religious
Poetry Printed 1477±1640: A Chronological Bibliography With Indexes (Ontario:
North Waterloo Academic Press, 1996) was seen too late to incorporate
fully into this chapter; however, a preliminary study of his listings
between the English Reformation and 1595 has tended to bear out the
conclusions I have reached.
34 The Catholic William Forrest attempted some in a manuscript pre-
sented to the Duke of Somerset in the 1530s, and in a prefatory verse,
praises Thomas Sternhold for versifying psalms to supplant `songes and
balades of veneryous kynde' (The History of Grisild the Second, ed. Macray
(Roxburghe Club, 1875), p. 176). See also Rivkah Zim, English Metrical
Psalms: Poetry as Praise and Prayer (Cambridge University Press, 1987);
Campbell, Divine Poetry, chs. 5±6.
35 Hyder Rollins discusses Heywood's contribution in his edition of the
work (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1927), pp. li-lii. See
also Martz, Poetry of Meditation, pp. 181±3 (though the greater scholarly
Notes to pages 64±5 249
visibility that popular literature has attained since the publication of
this study dilutes the claims for Southwell's novelty in ch. 5).
36 Holland is careful to emphasize his evangelical intention, conciliating
readers who may dislike the story being in metre (f.A5b). Verses in
commendation of the author show how Southwell's polarisation of love-
poetry with religious verse was not the only way in which pagan or
secular writing could be contrasted with Christian at this date: `If Maro
who did treate of Mars, / And Lucan civill warres, / If Naso for his
wanton verse, / And change of men to stars, / Possest great praise and
endlesse fame, / What then deserveth he, / That treats of him who
brought us blisse, / And bond did make us free?' (f.A8b).
37 Tessa Watt, Cheap Print and Popular Piety, 1550±1640 (Cambridge Uni-
versity Press, 1991), parts i, iii.
38 See the introduction to the modern edition by G. D. Willcock and
A. Walker (Cambridge University Press, 1936, repr. 1970).
39 Quoted from Katherine Duncan-Jones (ed.), Sir Philip Sidney (Oxford
University Press, 1994), pp. 104±5. See also Campbell, Divine Poetry,
pp. 47±9, 54, 85±7; Andrew D. Weiner, Sir Philip Sidney and the Poetics of
Protestantism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1978),
pp. 34±5. Campbell's discussion remains the best general account of
how the Psalms and other biblical poetry became a means of displacing
love poetry and pagan literature.
40 See Prescott, French Poets, ch. 5; Susan Snyder (ed.), The Divine Weeks and
Works of Guillaume de Saluste Sieur du Bartas, Translated by Josuah Sylvester, 2
vols (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979). Snyder's account of du Bartas's
in¯uence is worth quoting: `In England, the movement to create poetry
out of the Bible had heretofore been rather tentative; some feared to
contaminate sacred truth with poetic ®ction, and all felt the lack of an
established Protestant model. In the Divine Weeks the movement found
its type and its sanction' (i, p. 82).
41 In The Essayes of a Prentise (1584). His Majesties Poeticall Exercises (1591)
include translations of Divine Weeks and Works (ii i 1, opening, and ii i 3);
and other translations remained in MS during James's life. See Snyder
(ed.), Divine Weeks and Works, i, p. 70, and The Poems of James VI of Scotland
(Edinburgh: Scottish Text Society, xx, 3rd ser., 1955), pp. 15±37,
106±11, 113±95. For a general account of du Bartas's in¯uence, see
Campbell, Divine Poetry, pp. 1±2 and chs. ix±x (not referring to South-
well).
42 Sylvester had previously published (in 1590) a translation of du Bartas's
poem on Henri de Navarre's victory at Ivry, Cantique de la Victoire (1590),
and was eventually to become du Bartas's most famous translator. His
next du Bartas translation (STC 21661) was not published till 1598,
though obviously undertaken much earlier: he had, in fact, promised
the Second Week in The Triumph of Faith (Snyder (ed.), Divine Weeks and
Works, i, pp. 12±13). Sylvester supported the work of anti-Catholic
250 Notes to pages 65±72
polemicists like John Vicars and interpolated anti-Catholic material
into his translations (ibid., i, pp. 30, 51±2).
43 See Katherine Duncan-Jones, Sir Philip Sidney, Courtier Poet (London:
Hamish Hamilton, 1991), pp. 251±2; Snyder (ed.), Divine Weeks and
Works, i, p. 70. Snyder also mentions Churchyard's lost translation of i
v, conclusion.
44 See Ernest A. Strathmann, `The 1595 translation of Du Bartas's First
Day', HLQ , 8 (1944/5), pp. 185±91; Snyder (ed.), Divine Weeks and Works,
i, p. 39 (and p. 71 for attributions).
45 The latter was not entered at Stationers' Hall.
46 One can guess that just as Southwell was read by Protestants, du Bartas
would have been read by Catholics; and in a later generation, Thomas
Lodge translated a commentary on du Bartas's work (published 1621).
47 First entered at Stationers' Hall in November 1594: for the publication
history, see Woudhuysen, Sir Philip Sidney, pp. 232±5.
48 In Protestant Poetics, for instance, Barbara Lewalski describes English
religious poets as `rallying to the standard' of Du Bartas and Urania
(p. 8). Southwell, together with such Southwellian pieces as Christs
Bloodie Sweat, is relegated to a footnote.
49 The two exceptions are quoted below.
50 See Woudhuysen, Sir Philip Sidney, ch. 9, and Katherine Duncan-Jones,
`Sir Philip Sidney's Debt to Edmund Campion', in McCoog (ed.),
Reckoned Expense, for Sidney's Catholic contacts and the circulation of
his works in Catholic circles.
51 Cf. `To the Reader', l. 15: `With David verse to vertue I apply.' This
tends to modify John Kerrigan's conclusion in Motives, p. 25, that David
was generally a speaker of Protestant complaints.
52 See Anne Lake Prescott, `King David as a ``Right Poet'': Sidney and
the Psalmist', ELR, 19 (1989), pp. 131±51.
53 Pollard Brown, `Robert Southwell', p. 199.
54 The term is Harold Bloom's, e.g. in The Anxiety of In¯uence (1st edn. New
York: Oxford University Press, 1973); Bloom, however, does not list
theological dissent among the reasons for poets to dissociate themselves
from their predecessors.
55 E.g. Anthea Hume, Edmund Spenser, Protestant Poet (Cambridge University
Press, 1981); Richard Helgerson, Self-Crowned Laureates (Berkeley: Uni-
versity of California Press, 1983); John N. King, Spenser's Poetry and the
Reformation Tradition (Princeton University Press, 1990); Richard
Rambuss, Spenser's Secret Career (Cambridge University Press, 1993);
A. C. Hamilton (general ed.) The Spenser Encyclopaedia (University of
Toronto Press, 1990), under Reformation, Religious controversies.
56 This passage from The Shepherd's Calendar is discussed in Patrick Cheney,
Spenser's Famous Flight (University of Toronto Press, 1993), pp. 27±38. The
Tears of the Muses is quoted from the edition of Complaints in William A.
Oram et al. (eds.), The Yale Edition of the Shorter Poems of Edmund Spenser (New
Notes to pages 73±6 251
Haven: Yale University Press, 1989). The Tears of the Muses was composed
1580±90 (the Editors speculate that the date is later rather than earlier),
and Complaints was published in 1591. Ruines of Rome (also published in
Complaints) refers to du Bartas's `heavenly Muse' (Yale edn., l. 460).
57 It seems to have been largely written in April/May 1594 and entered in
the Stationers' Company register on 19 November of the same year. See
Yale edn., preface to Amoretti.
58 Poetic neoplatonism is discussed in Edgar Wind, Pagan Mysteries of the
Renaissance (London: Faber & Faber, 1958), pp. 52±3; and T. Anthony
Perry, Erotic Spirituality (University of Alabama Press, 1980). However,
the Capuchin-inspired intellectual fashions of Henrietta Maria's court
were later to link neoplatonic ideals with Catholic: Erica Veevers, Images
of Love and Religion: Queen Henrietta Maria and Court Entertainments (Cam-
bridge University Press, 1989), pp. 88±9.
59 Food for swine (OED).
60 Early 1596 also saw the ®rst united appearance of Books 1±6 of The
Faerie Queene; and the Mutabilitie cantos seem to have been written in
1595 (though not published until 1609). Colin Clouts Come Home Againe
(1595) has a dedication dated 27 December 1591.
61 Cheney, Spenser's Famous Flight, ch. 5.
62 Campbell, Divine Poetry, ch. 10, sees it as part of the Du Bartas fashion.
For discussion of the relationship of the hymns to each other, see
references in Edmund Spenser: Selected Shorter Poems, ed. Douglas Brooks-
Davies (London: Longman, 1995), pp. 320±1. Robert Ellrodt has dis-
cussed Burghley's criticism of Colin Clout, traditionally supposed to have
stimulated the proem to Book iv of The Faerie Queene (also written at
around this time and published in 1596) and assessed the internal
evidence for the ®rst two hymns being written or rewritten after the
publication of the Amoretti: Neoplatonism in the Poetry of Spenser (Geneva:
Droz, 1960), ch. 1.
63 Ellrodt, Neoplatonism, p. 14, points to similar conventional retractations.
64 Discussed in Martz, Poetry of Meditation, pp. 189±92.
65 For sacred parody and antigenres, see Alastair Fowler, Kinds of Literature
(Oxford: Clarendon, 1982), pp. 174±6.
66 Cf. Janelle, Robert Southwell, ch. 6: `From concettism to directness.'
67 See above, note 54, for the extensive recent critical interest in this topic.
68 Recent discussion is summarised in Cheney, Spenser's Famous Flight, p. 24
(see also pp. xi, 4±6, 45).
69 This conclusion is based on a search of the Chadwyck-Healey English
Poetry Database, `Tudor Poetry to 1603'. Fr Herbert Thurston (in
`Catholic Writers and Elizabethan Readers. ii. Father Southwell the
Euphuist', and `. . . iii. Father Southwell the Popular Poet', The Month,
83 ( Jan.-Apr. 1895), pp. 231±45 and 383±99) was the ®rst to notice
this reference (p. 392). One should emphasize that Spenser himself
borrowed the epithet from Skelton.
252 Notes to pages 76±9
70 See below, ch. 6.
71 Quoted from The Complete Works of Thomas Lodge, 4 (facsimile) vols (New
York: Russell & Russell, 1963), iii, `Prosopopoeia', p. 10. For a more
recent biography of Lodge than the DNB's, see the biographical entry in
Hamilton (ed.), Spenser Encyclopaedia.
72 Quoted from F. E. Hutchinson (ed.), The Works of George Herbert (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1959 edn.), p. 206 (Southwell allusion noticed on
p. 549). The poems were written around 1609 and sent to Herbert's
mother. Hutchinson also prints an extract from the accompanying letter
preserved in Walton's Lives: `But I fear the heat of my late Ague hath
dryed up those springs, by which Scholars say, the Muses use to take up
their habitations. However, I need not their help, to reprove the vanity
of those many Love-poems, that are daily writ and consecrated to
Venus; nor to bewail that so few are writ, that look towards God and
Heaven. For my own part, my meaning (dear Mother) is in these
Sonnets, to declare my resolution to be, that my poor Abilities in
Poetry, shall be all, and ever consecrated to Gods glory' (p. 363). Martz,
Poetry of Meditation, pp. 185 and 264±5, sees the style of the sonnets as
imitative of Donne and the sentiments of Southwell; Katherine
Duncan-Jones's edition of Shakespeare's Sonnets in the Arden Shake-
speare series (Thomson, 1998) suggests that Herbert's outrage was
partly stimulated by their recent publication in 1609 (pp. 70±1). More-
over, the in¯uence upon Herbert, Donne and the religious poets of the
later 1590s of Henry Lok's holy sonnets, published in Sundry Christian
Passions (1593) could bear further investigation. Barnabe Barnes's A
Divine Centurie of Spirituall Sonnets, entered at Stationers' Hall on 26
August 1595 and with a dedication dated 30 August of that year, is both
capitalising upon the trends of that year (alluding only to du Bartas in
the prefatory material) and closely imitating Lok. The only critic I have
found who discusses Lok and Barnes is P. M. Oliver, Donne's Religious
Writing: A Discourse of Feigned Devotion (London: Longmans, 1997).
73 This bifurcated publication history is observable with other texts;
Crashaw's Catholic collection Carmen Deo Nostro (1652) duplicates his
mainstream Steps to the Temple (1st ed. 1646) in more respects than the
two differ.
74 The Teares of the Beloved is initialled `J.M.', as Markham often styled
himself. Marie Magdalens Lamentations, though anonymous, is held to be
Part ii of the whole poem: see F. N. L. Poynter, A Bibliography of Gervase
Markham, 1568?-1637 (Oxford Bibliographical Society, 1962), nos. 4±5.
The identi®cation is strengthened by the Epistle to the Reader in
Markham's The Poem of Poems ([1596]: Poynter 2), where he airs the
Southwellian opposition of profane poetry to sacred. Thurston, `Catho-
lic Writers', pp. 394±6, also examines Markham's debt to Southwell's
Mary Magdalen's Funeral Tears, `only premising that Markham's poem
contains no indication of indebtedness of any sort'.
Notes to pages 79±81 253
75 Part two was reprinted: A Solemne Passion of the Soules Love (1598). Jean
Robertson consolidates the attribution in Poems by Nicholas Breton (Not
Hitherto Reprinted) (Liverpool University Press, 1952), pp. lxi-lxvi. Marie
Magdalens Love was entered on 24 July 1595 and A Solemne Passion on 20
September 1595 (the latter only ascribed to Breton), but the two were
printed together. The printer, John Danter, was prepared to undertake
Catholic printing; his press was seized in 1596 for printing the Jesus Psalter.
Robertson points out that Grosart considered the poem was not by Breton
because of its Southwellian in¯uence (p. lxii). See also Suzanne Trill,
`Engendering Penitence: Nicholas Breton and the ``Countesse of Pen-
brooke'' ', in Kate Chedgzoy, Melanie Hansen and Suzanne Trill (eds.),
Voicing Women (Keele University Press, 1996). For the interpenetration of
sacred complaint with secular, see Kerrigan (ed.), Motives, pp. 30±2.
76 Beinecke, Osborn MS b.89 (attributed to John Speed senior).
77 See Thomas George, `Samuel Rowlands's ``The Betrayal of Christ'' and
Guevara's ``The Mount of Calvarie'': An Example of Elizabethan
Plagiarism', N & Q , 212 (1967), pp. 467±74.
78 Cf. the verse interludes in a later publication, Mary Magdalen's Pilgrimage
to Paradise (1617). Thurston identi®es many of these (`Catholic Writers',
pp. 391±2).
79 Noticed by Thurston, `Catholic Writers', p. 393; though Campbell,
Divine Poetry, p. 91, without mentioning Southwell, quotes it to prove the
wide in¯uence of the du Bartas-Sidney-Spenser line of descent.
80 In 1632 it was possible to complain that the title of a book had been
stolen by another bookseller (see notes to STC 5569). Saint Peters Ten
Teares was reissued as St Peters Tears (1602).
81 Shuger, Renaissance Bible, p. 90.
82 The spiritual writers in question were both English and foreign: along-
side Capuchin writers like Zacharie of Lisieux, author of La Philosophie
Chrestienne (1639), can be found the Englishman William Fitch (Benet of
Can®eld), with The Rule of Perfection (1609). For the troubled bibliogra-
phical history of English editions of The Rule of Perfection, see notes to
ARCR, ii, no. 275; Fitch was imprisoned in England for three years from
1589 (DNB). See Patrick Grant, Images and Ideas in the Literature of the
English Renaissance (London: Macmillan, 1979), ch. 4; Veevers, Images,
pp. 92±3; Father Cyprien of Gamache, `Memoirs of the Mission in
England of the Capuchin Friars', translated in Robert Folkestone
Williams (ed.), The Court and Times of Charles I, 2 vols (London: Henry
Colburn, 1848), vol. ii.
83 Martz, Poetry of Meditation.
84 Cf. remarks in Kerrigan (ed.), Motives, pp. 30±1. However, Maries
Exercise (1597), a reformed equivalent of Our Lady's Psalter, incorporated
prayers centred on a weeper's situation.
85 Janelle, Robert Southwell, ch. 8, discussing inter alia the Southwell MS at
Stonyhurst which translates the beginnings of Le Lagrime.
254 Notes to pages 81±4
86 Shuger, Renaissance Bible, ch. 5; Susan Haskins, Mary Magdalen: Myth and
Metaphor (London: HarperCollins, 1993), passim.
87 Cf. Ellis, Lamentation, f.G3a. This is sometimes called the `Venus and
Adonis' stanza: see Paul Fussell, Poetic Metre and Poetic Form (rev. edn.
New York: Random House, 1966), p. 152.
88 Launche foorth my Soul into a maine of teares,
Full fraught with grief the traf®ck of thy mind:
Torne sailes will serve, thoughtes rent with guilty feares:
Give care, the sterne: use sighes in lieu of wind:
Remorse, the Pilot: thy misdeede, the Carde:
Torment, thy Haven: Shipwracke, thy best reward. (SPC, ll. 1±6)
89 L. E. Stock et al., (eds.), The Nondramatic Works of John Ford (New York:
Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies 85, 1991). They are, however,
incorrect in assuming that the author would not have seen Southwell's
`Christs bloody sweat' because it only existed in MS at the time (p. 137);
lines 1±12 were printed in Múoni±, and it is entirely possible that the
author might also have had access to a manuscript version of the whole
poem.
90 The allusions are to three Shakespearian works: The Rape of Lucrece
(1594), Troilus and Cressida (written and performed ca. 1601/2) and
Richard III (®rst printed 1597): see C. M. Ingleby et al., The Shakespeare
Allusion-Book, 2 vols (London: Oxford University Press, 1932), i, p. 125.
91 Epitaphs (1604), f.A4a. One can infer a question-mark at the end of line
4. Corydon = the shepherd in Virgil, Eclogue ii; Silvanus = pastoral
name denoting a dweller in the woods. For other Catholic repudiations
of secular verse, see Verstegan, Odes, introduction; Walter Coleman, La
Dance Machabre or Deaths Duell [1632?], ff.A3a±b, 4b; John Abbot, Jesus
Pr±®gured (1635), p. 95 (voiced by John Lydgate); Philip Howard (trans.),
An Epistle in the Person of Christ to the Faithfull Soule, Written First by . . .
Lanspergius (1595), prefatory material, esp. ff.A2b±4a. The last is par-
ticularly signi®cant, given Southwell's close association with Philip
Howard.
92 This seems never to have been published clandestinely. It was ®rst
entered to Gabriel Cawood in 1591, published the same year under the
initials S.W., and ran through six editions before 1609. Prosopopoeia
was a frequent point of confusion and controversy between Protestants
and Catholics: a letter on the topic from a Welsh Catholic to his
Protestant cousin explains how it is permissible to address the material
Cross in this manner without idolatry (3 May 1625, Folger MS V.a.243,
pp. [2±3]).
93 Cf. f.C4b, quoted in Macdonald, p. 133; but see also Harvey's Pierces
Supererogation (1593), p. 191: `Who can deny, but the Resolution, and
Mary Magdalens funerall teares, are penned elegantly, and patheti-
cally?' Sullivan, `Physiology of Penance', suggests that Nashe's Christ's
Tears Over Jerusalem satirises the genre.
Notes to pages 84±7 255
94 See Virginia Stern, Gabriel Harvey (Oxford: Clarendon, 1979),
pp. 110±12; Huffman, Elizabethan Impressions, p. 118.
95 I.e. `Jewry'.
96 Hall is also punning on `Bedlam' in l. 16. See Arnold Davenport (ed.),
The Collected Poems of Joseph Hall (Liverpool University Press, 1949),
pp. 19 (poem), 170±1 (notes); and cf. Hall's criticism of the complaint
genre, i v (p. 17).
97 Hall also praised Spenser in `To Camden' (Davenport (ed.), Collected
Poems, p. 105); wrote a commendatory poem to Josuah Sylvester praising
him and du Bartas (p. 144); published a metaphrase of selected psalms
in 1607, with a dedicatory epistle giving an apologia (pp. 125±43); and
wrote an epistle to Hugh Cholmley on the same topic, praising Sidney's
psalms and Sylvester (pp. 270±1).
98 Arnold Davenport (ed.), The Poems of John Marston (Liverpool University
Press, 1961), pp. 82±3 (poem), 244±5 (notes). Hall seems to have
criticised a translator of du Bartas (Thomas Hudson) in the second
Returne from Parnassus play (see F. L. Huntley, Bishop Joseph Hall,
1574±1656 (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1979), pp. 37±8) but his attitude
towards du Bartas himself was favourable. Davenport's puzzlement
can be resolved if one understands Marston's exclamation to be
ironically prescriptive, rather than alluding to speci®c comments.
99 Folger, V a 399: [®rst part of poem apparently missing], f.1. This
second part is itself in two parts.
100 See the autobiography of Davies's pupil Arthur Wilson in Francis Peck,
Desiderata Curiosa, vols 1±2 (London; for Thomas Evans, 1779 edn.),
p. 461; Woudhuysen, Sir Philip Sidney, p. 37. Alexander B. Grosart, The
Complete Works of John Davies of Hereford, 2 vols (Edinburgh: for private
circulation, 1878), i, pp. xviii±xix, sees internal evidence of Davies's
Catholicism in passages against sectaries in The Muses Sacri®ce, and
comments on Mary and Elizabeth in Microcosmos.
101 Janelle, Robert Southwell, p. 189.
102 E.g. (Protestant) William Hunnis, Seven Sobs of a Sorrowfull Soule (1583);
(Catholic) Richard Verstegan, Odes (1601).
103 An Epithrene: Or Voice of Weeping: Bewailing the Want of Weeping (1631),
f.A6b: the Bellarmine reference is probably to Gemitus Columbae. William
Holbrooke's St Paul's Cross sermon Loves Complaint (1610), however,
emphasizes the ef®cacy of weeping exemplars (discussed in Kerrigan
(ed.), Motives, p. 49), and other Protestant tears-sermons include
William Whateley, `Charitable Tears', in A Cere-Cloth (1624), dated 1623;
Thomas Walkington, Rabboni: Mary Magdalen's Teares, of Sorrow, Solace
(1620); Thomas Jackson, Peter's Teares: A Sermon (1612). Arnold Hunt's
thesis, `The Art of Hearing: English Preachers and their Audiences,
1590±1640' (Cambridge PhD, 1999), includes a discussion of weeping
during sermons. Catholic-Protestant debate on the topic was not
con®ned to England, and Hieronymus Osorius anticipates criticism in
256 Notes to pages 88±94
An Epistle . . . to . . . Princesse Elizabeth (trans. Richard Shacklock, 1565):
`What (say they) doest thou put the holynes of our justifycation in
weping and wayling, in sobbyng and syghing at the remembraunce of
oure synnes? Yea surelye. And that I sholde so doo, I am not led with
any lyght autoritie, but with the determination of holy scripture' (f.48b).
104 Henry Foley, S.J. Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus . . . in
the 16th and 17th Centuries, 7 vols (London: Burns & Oates, 1875±83), i,
p. 159.
105 V. E. C. Liber 1394: transcribed in Dana F. Sutton (ed.), Unpublished
Works by William Alabaster (1568±1640) (Salzburg Studies in English
Literature, no. 126, 1997), pp. 99±169 (quotation p. 114). See also
Robert V. Caro, S.J., `William Alabaster: Rhetor, Mediator, Devotional
Poet ± i (ii)', RH, 19:1 and 19:2 (May & October 1988), pp. 62±79 and
155±70 (tears-poetry discussed on pp. 166±8). Martz, Poetry of Medita-
tion, preface to 2nd edn., stresses Alabaster's in¯uence on Donne's
Holy Sonnets, composed about a decade later.
106 Ch. 4: quoted also in G. M. Story and Helen Gardner (eds.), The
Sonnets of William Alabaster (Oxford University Press, 1959), p. xii.
Surprisingly, this is all the use the editors make of it.
107 `To issue in a rapid stream; to gush or spurt' (OED).
108 I ®nd this more convincing than the explanation offered by Story and
Gardner (eds.), Sonnets of William Alabaster: `probably ``perspectives'',
that is pictures or ®gures constructed so as to appear distorted except
from one point of view' (p. 61).
109 See also Sonnet 30, lines 1±4:
Before thy Cross, O Christ, I do present
My soul and body into love distilled,
As dewy clouds with equal moisture ®lled
Receive the tincture of the rainbow bent . . .
110 Discussions of this can be found in (e.g.) Patrick Collinson, From
Iconoclasm to Iconophobia: The Cultural Impact of the Second English Reforma-
tion (Reading University Press, 1986); Aston, England's Iconoclasts; and
Ann Kibbey, The Interpretation of Material Shapes in Puritanism (Cambridge
University Press, 1986), who discusses the Puritan usage of the classical
concept of ®gura.
111 As printed in Story and Gardner (eds.), Sonnets of William Alabaster, the
order of the sequence comprises Nos. 12±19, re¯ecting the order (with
slight deviations recorded on pp. xlii-xliii) in their main manuscripts.
112 In the introduction to Christs Bloodie Sweat (ed. Stock et al.), Dennis
Danielson discusses sweat as both signi®er and signi®ed: typologically
to be identi®ed with the river Jordan cleansing Naaman, but also
liquid metaphors aiding meditation on Christ's agony, and the sinner's
tears of repentance (pp. 146±7, 541±6).
113 All Crashaw quotations, unless otherwise stated, are taken from L. C.
Martin's edition (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972).
Notes to pages 94±6 257
114 Shelford claimed that though faith had primacy in spirituality, it was
charity that converted the heart and will to God: see Thomas Healy,
Richard Crashaw: A Biography (Leiden: E. G. Brill, 1986), pp. 67±71, 107
(and cf. his discussion of tears-literature in Cambridge, pp. 37±8). Low,
Love's Architecture, pp. 138±41, 144±6, also discusses Crashaw's use of
tears-poetry. It may be worth noting that Alabaster was an under-
graduate contemporary of Richard's father, William Crashaw.
115 In post-1635 printed versions of the poem, the conclusion was deleted.
See Martin (ed.), p. 139; and, more generally, Anthony Milton, Catholic
and Reformed: The Roman and Protestant Churches in English Protestant
Thought, 1600±1640 (Cambridge University Press, 1995), p. 92.
116 From `Votiva Domus Petrensis Pro Domo Dei'. `You know yourself the
wheel which revolves volatile wealth; therefore ®x it here in the rock as
the foundations of the eternal house of Peter; thus take away her wheel
from Fortune.' Latin and translation (the latter slightly altered) from
George Walton Williams (ed.), The Complete Poetry of Richard Crashaw
(New York University Press, 1972), pp. 442±3. Healy, Richard Crashaw,
describes Cambridge interest in Counter-Reformation aesthetics
(p. 65); see also Hilton Kelliher, `Crashaw at Cambridge', in Roberts
(ed.), New Perspectives, pp. 180±214.
117 Bod.Ms.Rawl.poet.115, p. 49 (two translations, dated December 1635
and 2 December 1638): the MS's contents make up a liturgical year,
and show an attempt to recover English medieval and Henrician
traditions, supplemented by recent reprintings and illicit material.
Huish lists his sources for non-original translations as: [ John Cosin],
`Collection of private devotions, or houres of prayer, 1627' (see STC
5815.5±5816.4); `Primer of Henry VIII, English and Latin, 1536' (see
STC 15992±15993); `English and Latin primer of King Henry VIII,
1546' (STC 16043.5±16047); `English Primer of Our Lady, 1613' (no
edition recorded with that date: but concerning this and the 1635
edition, see under `Primer' in ARCR ii); `Primer, or of®ce of the Blessed
Virgin Mary in Latin and English, 1631' (probably not STC
16099±16100, which are in English only); `Flowers of our Lady Engl.
and Lat. ad usum Sarum, 1635' (no edition recorded in STC with that
date); `Ex antiquo manu-scripto Anglicano circa tempora Henrici 5'.
118 Bodleian, Walker MS C 7, ff.84, 86, 88, 90, 92 (testimonies); sum-
marised in A. G. Matthews, Walker Revised (Oxford: Clarendon, 1948),
p. 315. See also Somerset Record Of®ce (Taunton), DD/LW.45;
Journal of the House of Commons, 12±14 December 1640 and 2±4
January 1640/1 (petition against Huish); Calendar of the House of
Lords, 20 June 1660 (petition of sequestered rectors).
119 For Lewgar, see DNB. He was Rector of Laverton, Somerset, and was
converted by Chillingworth between 1627 and 1635.
120 Raspa, Emotive Image, p. 109. Questier, Conversion, p. 204, describes the
convert's urge to progress in grace `by moving about over all sorts of
258 Notes to pages 97±101
boundaries'; David Trotter, The Poetry of Abraham Cowley (London:
Macmillan, 1979), pp. 71±2, discusses the `liminal moment' in Crashaw.
121 See note 1. In her conclusion, Lewalski calls for an exploration of the
work of Southwell, Alabaster, Constable and Crashaw to `examine
more precisely just how Tridentine aesthetics relates to this Protestant
poetics' (p. 427). Sullivan, Dismembered Rhetoric, discusses the Martz/
Lewalski debate in her introduction.
122 Williams (ed.), Complete Poetry of Richard Crashaw, p. xv.
123 Sir Edward Sherburne, The Poems and Translations, ed. Franz Josef van
Beeck (Assen: Van Gorcum, 1961), p. 116, ll. 1±2, 12±15 (notes p. 175).
See also his version of Marino's `Christo Smarrito' (pp. 97±9).
124 Folger V.a.137, `An exortation to pennance' (pp. 70±83).
125 Eldred Revett, Poems (1657), pp. 116±117. Raspa, Emotive Image, is the
only critic I have found who discusses Revett's work.
126 Greek for `Red Sea'.
127 Arthur Clifford (ed.), Tixall Poetry (Edinburgh: Longman, Hurst, Rees,
& Orme, 1813), pp. 3±5.
128 Ibid., p. 40; see Kenneth J. Larsen, `The Religious Sources of Cra-
shaw's Sacred Poetry', (Cambridge PhD, 1969), pp. 299±300. For
Crashaw's period in Rome, see Edward Chaney, The Grand Tour and the
Great Rebellion: Richard Lassels and the `Voyage of Italy' in the 17th Century
(Geneva: Slatkine, 1985), appendix ii; N. W. Bawcutt, `A 17th-Century
Allusion to Crashaw', N & Q , 207 (1962), pp. 215±16; P. G. Stanwood,
`Crawshaw [sic] at Rome', N & Q , 211 (1966), pp. 256±7; Hilton
Kelliher, `Crashaw at Cambridge and Rome', N & Q , 217 (1972),
pp. 18±19, and `Cowley and ``Orinda''. Autograph Fair Copies', British
Library Journal, 2:2 (1976), pp. 102±8 (giving a text of Cowley's elegy
`On the death of Mr. Crashaw').
129 Frank J. Warnke, `Metaphysical Poetry and the European Context', in
Metaphysical Poetry, Stratford-upon-Avon Studies, 11 (1970), p. 265. For
the comments in this section, cf. Lorraine M. Roberts and John R.
Roberts, `Crashavian Criticism: A Brief Interpretative History', in
Roberts (ed.), New Perspectives.
130 E.g. Roberts 934, 1,041, 1,079, 1,142, 1,143, 1,150, 1,151. However, an
article by Graham Hamill (`Stepping to the Temple', South Atlantic
Quarterly, 88:4 (1989), pp. 933±59) suggests that a Lacanian approach
could prove more fruitful.
131 Though the critical language used for baroque poetics ensures that this
is sometimes unintentionally done: the Norton Anthology relates how
Marino and the Jesuit epigrammatists pushed Crashaw towards the
exploitation of `far-fetched, almost perverse parallels in which familiar
physical objects not only stood for but were sometimes distorted by
extravagant spiritual pressures' (p. 1,389).
132 George Williamson, A Reader's Guide to the Metaphysical Poets (London:
Thames & Hudson, 1968), pp. 119±20.
Notes to pages 102±10 259
133 Joan Bennett, Four Metaphysical Poets: Donne, Herbert, Vaughan, Crashaw
(Cambridge University Press, 1934), pp. 27, 56.
134 Williams (ed.), Complete Poetry of Richard Crashaw, p. xxii.
135 Thurston, `Catholic Writers' (cited in full at note 69).

3 catholic loyalism: i. elizabethan writers
1 David Mathew, Sir Tobie Mathew (London: Max Parrish, 1950),
pp. 44±9; A. H. Mathew (ed.), A True Historical Relation of the Conversion of
Sir Tobie Mathew (London: Burns & Oates, 1904), pp. viii-x, 75±83.
2 The poet may be alluding to a passage in one of Constable's own
sonnets to the Queen, written ca. 1585±8:
Thine eye hath made a thousand eyes to weepe
And every eye [a] thousand seas hath made
And each sea shall thyne Ile in saftie keepe. (ll. 12±14).
All quotations and biographical details come from The Poems of Henry
Constable, ed. Joan Grundy (Liverpool University Press, 1960), pp. 33±5
(poem originally from NAL, MS Dyce 44 (D.25.F.39), f.44, also known
as the Todd MS) and pp. 84±5, 98±100, 109±10, 112, 137; see also
p. 231.
3 See comments in introduction; Judith Doolin Spikes, `The Jacobean
History Play and the Myth of the Elect Nation', Renaissance Drama, n.s.,
8 (1977), pp. 117±48; Gasper, The Dragon and the Dove.
4 Milward, Religious Controversies, i & ii, and Thomas Clancy, Papist
Pamphleteers: the Allen-Persons Party and the Political Thought of the Counter-
Reformation in England, 1572±1715 (Chicago: Loyola University Press,
1964), are two excellent guides to the Elizabethan and Jacobean
controversies over allegiance, which this chapter has exploited but does
not aim to supplant.
5 Quentin Skinner, The Foundations of Modern Political Thought, 2 vols
(Cambridge University Press, 1978), ii, pp. 345 ff. For the inter-
dependence of Catholic and radical Calvinist resistance theory, see
Skinner's `The Origins of the Calvinist Theory of Revolution', in
Barbara C. Malament (ed.), After the Reformation (Manchester University
Press, 1980), pp. 309±30. See also J. H. M. Salmon, `Catholic Resis-
tance Theory, Ultramontanism and the Royalist Response, 1580±1620',
ch. 8 in J. H. Burns and Mark Goldie (eds.), The Cambridge History of
Political Thought, 1450±1700 (Cambridge University Press, 1991).
6 Leo Hicks, `Father Robert Persons, S.J., and The Book of Succession', RH,
4:3 (1957±8), pp. 104±37, describes its early misrepresentation in Catho-
lic circles. See also Peter Holmes, `The Authorship and Early Reception
of A Conference About the Next Succession to the Crown of England', HJ, 23:2
(1980), pp. 415±29. Where Hicks asserts that Persons always considered
it a necessary and opportune book, but never acknowledged sole
authorship, Holmes believes that Persons half-disowned the text some
years after writing. Though the date given on the title-page is 1594, the
260 Notes to pages 110±15
volume was not actually published until 1595. J. H. M. Salmon, in
Renaissance and Revolt: Essays in the Intellectual and Social History of Early
Modern France (Cambridge University Press, 1987), pp. 165±7, sees the
English Catholic opposition as papalist during the 1560s and 1570s,
shifting to the stress on visible loyalism characteristic of Allen and
Persons.
7 Munday, The English Roman Life, ed. Philip Ayres (Oxford: Clarendon,
1980), pp. 24±8, 44.
8 Thomas Clancy, `English Catholics and the Papal Deposing Power,
1570±1640', 2 parts, RH, 6:3 (1961±2), pp. 114±40, and 6:5 (1961±2),
pp. 205±27, enlarged upon in Papist Pamphleteers. See also Peter Holmes,
Resistance and Compromise: The Political Thought of the Elizabethan Catholics
(Cambridge University Press, 1982); Arnold Pritchard, Catholic Loyalism
in Elizabethan England (London: Scolar, 1979). An account for the whole
period is given in Edward Norman, Roman Catholicism in England from the
Elizabethan Settlement to the Second Vatican Council (pbk, Oxford University
Press, 1986), chs. 2±3.
9 For Campion's trial, see Cobbett's Complete Collection of State Trials
(London: R. Bagshaw et al., 1809±26, vol. i (1809), cols. 1,050±84.
10 Westminster Diocesan Archives, MSS Archiv. Westmon., vol. iii, item
89. The account is said to be written by a Protestant.
11 Alastair Macintyre, After Virtue: A Study in Moral Theory (London: Duck-
worth, 1981), p. 8.
12 `Loyalty, Religion and State Power in Early Modern England: English
Romanism and the Jacobean Oath of Allegiance', HJ, 40:2 (1997),
pp. 311±29. For a Benedictine who defended the Oath and so was
placed under government protection, see W. K. L. Webb, S.J., `Thomas
Preston OSB, Alias Roger Widdrington (1567±1640)', Biographical
Studies, 2 (1954), pp. 216±68.
13 E.g. in Suzanne Gossett (ed.), Hierarchomachia: Or, the Anti-Bishop
(London: Bucknell University Press, 1982).
14 Transcribed in Dorothy Latz, Glow-Worm Light: Writings of 17th-Century
È
English Recusant Women From Original Manuscripts (Salzburg: Institut fur
Anglistik und Amerikanistick, 1989), pp. 71±7 (prayer before mar-
tyrdom on reverse of paper). There seems no especial reason to ascribe
it, as there, to a woman author.
15 Northampton's co-author was Robert Cotton. See Linda Levy Peck,
`The Mentality of a Jacobean Grandee', in The Mental World of the
Jacobean Court, ed. L. L. Peck (Cambridge University Press, 1991); and
her biography Northampton: Patronage and Policy at the Court of James I
(London: George Allen & Unwin, 1982), pp. 111±13. The reference is to
CSP Venetian 1603±1607, pp. 438±9, 7 December 1606.
16 It should be remembered that texts dedicated ± or even sent ± to
monarchs might never have been seen by them.
17 Pritchard, Catholic Loyalism, ch. 10.
Notes to pages 116±19 261
18 Michael Lynch (ed.), Mary Stuart: Queen in Three Kingdoms (Oxford:
Blackwell, 1988), introduction (quotation p. 1). See also P. J. Holmes's
essay `Mary Stewart in England' in the same volume; Patrick Collinson,
The English Captivity of Mary, Queen of Scots (Shef®eld: Shef®eld History
Pamphlets, 1987); Helen Smailes and Duncan Thomson, The Queen's
Image: A Celebration of Mary, Queen of Scots (Edinburgh: Scottish National
Portrait Gallery, 1987). I am grateful to Helen Hackett for the last
reference.
19 BL, Tresham Papers (Add. MS. 39829, ff.119±24) and HMC, Salisbury,
ii, p. 74: both discussed in Holmes, `Mary Stewart', pp. 119±200.
20 Mary Stuart's agent Thomas Morgan was, however, implicated in
Parry's plot: see Antonia Fraser, Mary, Queen of Scots (London: Weidenfeld
& Nicolson, this edn. 1994), pp. 472±3; Holmes, `Mary Stewart',
pp. 204±5. James Emerson Phillips claims that even in propagandist
pamphlets printed after Parry's execution, Mary was rarely mentioned
and never attacked: Images of a Queen: Mary Stuart in 16th-Century Literature
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1964), pp. 76±8. A general
account of Mary's own involvement in plots is given in Jenny Wormald,
Mary, Queen of Scots: A Study in Failure (London: George Philip, 1988), ch. 7.
21 Robert Southwell declared that Parry had never professed himself a
Catholic (R. C. Bald (ed.), An Humble Supplication to Her Majestie
(Cambridge University Press, 1953), p. 17) and in `The Strange Case of
William Parry', Studies: an Irish Quarterly Review, 37 (1948), pp. 343±62,
Leo Hicks claims that Parry was a government agent paid to in®ltrate
Catholic communities overseas, who was then deserted. However, this
does not alter the fact that most Englishmen, Catholic and Protestant,
believed him to be a Catholic at the time.
22 HMC.Var. Coll.iii, 37, 39 (quoted in W. R. Trimble, The Catholic Laity in
Elizabethan England, 1558±1603 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University
Press, 1964), p. 133). The reference is to the Cardinal of Como. Parry's
confession ± possibly doctored ± is printed in A True and Plaine Declaration
of the Horrible Treasons, Practised by William Parry [1585], pp. 11±19.
23 Bod. MS Lyell empt.13.
24 See David Cressy, Bon®res and Bells: National Memory and the Protestant
Calendar in Elizabethan and Stuart England (London: Weidenfeld & Nicol-
son, 1989), ch. 4.
25 Though the beginning of the poem is lost, the pope is suggested by lines
such as `his words provoke to workes, his workes are parchments; thei
turne swords' (f.2b).
26 Biographical data is given at f.12b in the poem.
27 This was a letter expressing general approval for Parry's intentions,
which, though without speci®c reference to the conspiracy, was taken as
referring to it when made public in England.
28 Probably Cardinal William Allen's A True Sincere and Modest Defence of
English Catholiques [1584], which answers Lord Burghley's The Execution of
262 Notes to pages 120±1
Justice in England (1583) and was answered, together with Allen's An
Apologie . . . of the Institution of the Two English Colleges (1581) by Thomas
Bilson's The True Difference Betweene Christian Subjection and Unchristian
Rebellion (1585). Allen's and Burghley's books have been edited by Robert
M. Kingdom (Ithaca: Folger Shakespeare Library/Cornell University
Press, 1965), who discusses the disingenuousness of Allen's rhetoric; Allen
was involved in a number of international plots to invade England,
though he kept these separate from the English mission. Burghley's book
does not mention Mary Stuart; it argues that punitive action taken
against Catholics was not because of their religious beliefs per se, but
occurred when their activities constituted treason against the state in the
form of altering the government, removing Elizabeth or tampering with
the succession. See Phillips, Images of a Queen, p. 76. Nevell's confession
only refers to `Allens booke': see A True and Plaine Declaration, pp. 8, 17
(which this passage paraphrases).
29 E.g. Crum W1003 (two examples); three examples in BL in-house ®rst-
line index (both pre- and post-1894), one being from the Tresham
papers (Add. MS. 39829, f.93). For MS occurrences, see Peter Beal
(comp.), Index of English Literary Manuscripts, vol. 1, part 2, 1450±1625
(London: Mansell, 1980), HrJ 303±14.
30 Quoted from N. E. McClure (ed.), The Letters and Epigrams of Sir John
Harington (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1930). See
Jason Scott-Warren, `Sir John Harington As A Giver of Books',
(Cambridge PhD, 1996), pp. 133±4; Phillips, Images of a Queen,
pp. 209±10.
31 A variant ± and less subversive ± reading is `judgement' (Crum).
32 Mary Stuart's executioner struck twice before the head was severed
(Phillips, Images of a Queen, p. 139).
33 Full accounts of early literature on Mary Stuart are given in Phillips,
Images of a Queen, and John Scott, A Bibliography of Works Relating to Mary
Queen of Scots, 1544±1700 (Edinburgh Bibliographical Society, 1896).
Eighteenth- to twentieth-century material is covered in Samuel A.
Tannenbaum and Dorothy R. Tannenbaum in Marie Stuart Queen of
Scots: A Concise Bibliography, 3 vols (New York: Tannenbaum, 1944±6).
34 Phillips, Images of a Queen, pp. 162±70 (Blackwood), pp. 61±68 (Bu-
chanan). Buchanan's view that the people had the right to repudiate a
legitimate prince is discussed in Skinner, Foundations, II, pp. 339±345.
35 The traditional identi®cation of the poem's speaker with Mary Stuart,
necessitating the name `Marie' in l. 14, has been consolidated by David
Rogers's discovery of the sole contemporary printed version in Epitaphs
(1604): see Alan G. R. Smith (ed.), The Last Years of Mary Queen of Scots
(London: Roxburghe Club, 1990), pp. 88±94. This version was not set
up from any of the surviving MSS. Macdonald & Brown (eds.), Poems of
Robert Southwell, pp. 47 and 143, list MS variants; see also Guiney's
account (Recusant Poets, pp. 247±8) of LPL MS 655. Phillips, Images of a
Notes to pages 122±4 263
Queen, pp. 165±6, 183±4, discusses anagrams deriving `martyr' from
Mary's name.
36 Beinecke, Osborn b.33, pp. 2±3. The author was living in Paris at the
time of writing (just after Charles I's marriage to Henrietta Maria), and
appears to be addressing both a French and an English audience.
37 See introduction, note 24.
38 Grundy (ed.), Poems of Henry Constable, Introduction, p. 16. All quotations
are taken from this edition, with biographical details also from George
Wickes's article `Henry Constable, Poet and Courtier (1562±1613)',
Biographical Studies, 2: 4 (1954), pp. 272±300. The discussion below also
draws, in part, from the comments on Constable in Marotti, Manuscript,
Print, p. 47, and Hackett, Virgin Mother, pp. 136±9. See also W. B.
Patterson, King James VI and I and the Reunion of Christendom (Cambridge
University Press, 1997), p. 51. I am writing an article on three previously
unpublished sonnets by Constable on Mary Stuart, which came to light
too late for inclusion in this study.
39 Cf. Constable's sonnet `To the Q: upon occasion of a booke he wrote in
an answer to certayne objections against her proceeding in the Low
countryes' (Grundy (ed.), Poems of Henry Constable, pp. 139 and 232,
where she speculates that this may have been in response to a libel of
Thomas Throgmorton's).
40 Wickes suggests that Constable may not have wanted to be associated
with the pamphlet after his conversion. The English translation was
issued in 1623 by a mainstream publisher, Nathaniel Butter, and co-
opted into anti-Catholic polemic by means of its prefatory material.
W.W., the translator, points to Constable's subsequent Catholicism as a
controversial advantage to Protestants `which will give us as much
advantage as we can desire from one man, which is to answer them by
one of their owne' (ff.}1b±2a). David Rogers calls the pamphlet `typical
of the state of mind of a near-convert': ` ``The Catholic Moderator'': A
French Reply to Bellarmine and Its English Author, Henry Constable',
RH, 5 (1960), pp. 224±35 (quotation p. 229). This article is supple-
mented by John Bossy, `A propos of Henry Constable', RH, 6:5 (1962),
pp. 228±37.
41 See Healy, Richard Crashaw, p. 3; Martz, Poetry of Meditation, pp. 101±5
(pointing out that a poem on the Assumption may have been suppressed
from Southwell's Múoni±).

42 Mary Talbot (nee Cavendish) became Countess of Shrewsbury on 10
November 1590: Grundy (ed.), Poems, pp. 84, 235, and Arthur Collins,
Historical Collections (1752). The poem survives only in the Todd MS,
probably compiled in the early 1590s, and is headed `To the Countesse
of Shrewsburye'; none of this, however, gives any indication of the
original date of composition. I am grateful to Martin Butler for discus-
sion on the reading of this sonnet.
43 Constable was strongly anti-Jesuit all his life, a position which usually
264 Notes to pages 125±7
accompanied anti-Spanish feeling: writing to Essex, he explained
`Though I am passionately affectionated to my Religio[n], yet am I not
in the nomber of those w[hi]ch wish th[e] restitution thereof w[i]t[h]
the servitude of my country to a forrein Tyranny' (Hat®eld House MSS,
vol. xxxv, f.50).
44 College of Arms, Talbot MS O.f.94: quoted by Grundy (ed.), Poems of
Henry Constable, p. 55.
45 Ibid., pp. 55±6.
46 Hackett, Virgin Mother, argues that Marian-inspired panegyric is most
characteristic of the latter years of Elizabeth's reign, a time when
`Catholic' vocabulary began to be extensively redeployed to love-poetry.
47 Both men were part of the circle round Essex and Anthony Bacon: see
Wickes, `Henry Constable', esp. pp. 279±80. A third Catholic poet who
had Essex as patron was William Alabaster, with whom Wright is
alleged to have collaborated for a lost tragedy condemning the Church
of England. See Theodore A. Stroud, `Father Thomas Wright: A Test
Case for Toleration', Biographical Studies, 1:3 (1951), pp. 189±219, esp.
p. 215; and Robert V. Caro, S.J., `William Alabaster: Rhetor, Mediator,
Devotional Poet ± 1', RH, 19:1 (1988), pp. 62±79. A recent description
of Jesuit emblematic theory and practice, which may have in¯uenced
Wright, can be found in Karel Porteman et al., Emblematic Exhibitions
(`Af®xiones') at the Brussels Jesuit College 1630±1685 (Brepols: Royal Library,
Brussels, 1996), pp. 10±11, 18, 20, 22±3. I am most grateful to Michael
Bath and Alan Young for last-minute help with this section, and several
references.
48 Roy Strong, The Cult of Elizabeth (London: Thames & Hudson, 1977),
pp. 126±7. See also R. C. McCoy, The Rites of Knighthood: The Literature
and Politics of Elizabethan Chivalry (Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1989), esp. pp. 79±86; Alan R. Young, `The English Tournament
Imprese', in Peter M. Daly (ed.), The English Emblem and the Continental
Tradition (New York: AMS, 1988).
49 Paul Hammer makes the distinction between Bacon's role as Essex's
`special friend' and the membership of Essex's secretariat: `The Uses of
Scholarship: The Secretariat of Robert Devereux, Second Earl of
Essex, c.1585±1601', EHR, 109:430 (1994), pp. 26±51 (quotation, p. 50).
The only extended study of Anthony Bacon remains Daphne du
Maurier's romantic Golden Lads: A Study of Anthony Bacon, Francis and their
Friends (London: Gollancz, 1975).
50 For Wright's biography, see Stroud, `Father Thomas Wright'; B.
Fitzgibbon, S.J., `Addition to the Biography of Thomas Wright',
Biographical Studies, 1:4, pp. 261±2; D. M. Rogers, `A Bibliography of the
Published Works of Thomas Wright (1561±1623)', ibid., pp. 262±280.
51 Anthony Standen, a Catholic attached to Essex's household, wrote a
verse on the French wars (LPL MS 653, ff.197±8: parallel texts in
Spanish and English).
Notes to pages 127±8 265
52 Lilian M. Ruff and Arnold Wilson, `The Madrigal, the Lute Song and
Elizabethan Politics', P & P, 44 (1969), pp. 3±51. See also Paul
Hammer, ` ``The Bright Shininge Sparke'': The Political Career of
Robert Devereux, 2nd Earl of Essex, c.1585±1597' (Cambridge PhD,
1991), pp. 140±4. See also Mervyn James, `At a Crossroads: The
Political Culture of the Essex Revolt, 1601', in M. James (ed.), Society,
Politics and Culture: Studies in Early Modern England (Cambridge University
Press, 1986).
53 Hammer, ` ``Bright Shininge Sparke'' ', ch. 5; R. C. McCoy, ` ``A
Dangerous Image'': The Earl of Essex and Elizabethan Chivalry',
Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 13:2 (1983), pp. 313±29.
54 There are multiple (and variant) copies of all three texts in LPL MS
652, in different hands, but all endorsed as being by `Mr Wright' or `Mr
W' in at least one copy, and dated 1595 or November 1595. The pictures
are described, not drawn. Remarkably, they have never been previously
discussed.
55 I.e. Spain's.
56 Henri IV had largely overcome opposition from the Catholic League in
the mid-1590s. See Mack P. Holt, The French Wars of Religion, 1562±1629
(Cambridge University Press, 1995), ch. 6, for events between 1593 and
1610. Essex was a supporter of Henri IV, and in late 1595 was under
pressure to make the Queen change her mind about her discontinua-
tion of English support for France: see Hammer, ` ``Bright Shininge
Sparke'' ', pp. 48, 188±94. See also R.B. Wernham, After The Armada:
Elizabethan England and the Struggle for Western Europe, 1588±1595 (Oxford:
Clarendon, 1984), and The Return of the Armadas: The Last Years of the
English War Against Spain, 1595±1603 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1994).
57 From LPL MS 652, ff.217a±218a, with another copy of nos. 1±5 at
ff.332a±b. Nos 1±5 (not in that order) are differently explicated at
ff.327±8a and 329a±b, in Latin epigrams of which the English verses are
a translation, with long explanations of the meaning: the explication of
the above verse, for instance, begins `Now we see a pr±paratione as it
wear to a dilu<d>ge, for the warres betwixt us and the Spainyeardes,
the dissention of relligion betwixt us at home, the likehood of variannce
betwixt us and Fraunce, but as . . . the rainbow appearinge signi®ethe
that there is a peace made betwixt god and man heaven and earthe: so
. . . the sight of this noble man . . . dothe undoubtedly pronosticate unto
us a future peace, bothe at home and abrode yf his noble procedinges
bee not crossed' (f.329a). At f.328a: `Illustrissimo comiti de Essexia /
Tho. Wr. S.P.D. / Dant alij nummos, numeros pro munere forma[m?] /
Ast ego virtutes, accepe (sic) qu±so tuas.' There are other panegyrical
verses by Wright at ff.309±10a (dated 20 December 1595: copy at
ff.335±6). F.331a appears to be notes for displaying a large quantity of
imprese at once (nos. 2 and 4±6 corresponding to nos. 9, 11, 7 and 8 in
the set of verses at ff.217±18a).
266 Notes to pages 129±31
58 Descriptions and quotations from the copy at ff.205±6a, headed as to
Elizabeth: other copies at f.204a (of nos. 3, 5±6, differently numbered),
f.207b (of nos. 1, 4 differently numbered), f.214 a±b (of nos. 1±2, 8, 4, 9,
11), 215 a±b (of nos. 1±2, 8, 4, 9, 11). The last two are referred to as (2)
and (3) below.
59 Reading taken from (2).
60 A lioness in (2) and (3).
61 There may, however, have been an opportunity to display others.
Strong, Cult of Elizabeth, p. 145, suggests that the device of Philautia or
Self-Love illustrated by Henry Peacham in Minerva Britanna (1612) may
have been Essex's eventual emblem for the occasion.
62 Unicorns had a proverbial ability to negotiate traps, while their horns
were ef®cacious against poison.
63 Hammer, ` ``Bright Shininge Sparke'' ', pp. 189, 192. However, Spanish
troops had landed in Cornwall in July 1595, and intelligence reports
had news of a restored Armada.
64 (2) and (3) read `circumspicit'.
65 (2) reads: `no[n] poterit'.
66 There was no French Dauphin at the time; Louis XIII was born in
1601. But as well as having implications of succession, the dolphin was a
standard Renaissance attribute of Water and Fortune.
67 Est ponti dominus quo non velocior alter
Delphinus, terram roscida serta docent.
Albion imperium est, debentur Gallica regna
Insula hybernorum, vastus & Oceanus.
`Debentur' could also be translated as `there is owed to her'.
68 See Hammer, ` ``Bright Shininge Sparke'' ', pp. 190±3 (pointing out that
Essex tried to force Elizabeth's hand by arranging for reports exagger-
ating the French plight), 205±7, 267.
69 Hermit iconography was not an exclusive Cecil perquisite ± it is also
associated, for instance, with Sir Henry Lee ± but Lord Burghley had
acted the part of a hermit when Elizabeth was received at Theobalds in
1591, and again in 1594; his younger son, Robert Cecil, was at this stage
the favoured candidate for the Secretaryship, and de facto holder of the
of®ce, with Essex as his rival. See Alan Young, Tudor and Jacobean
Tournaments (London: George Philip, 1987), pp. 172±5; Strong, Cult of
Elizabeth, pp. 140±1; Hammer, ` ``Bright Shininge Sparke'' ', p. 95 (and
ch. 7, Section ii, for comments on Essex's relationship with both Cecils).
The soldier is usually taken to suggest Sir Roger Williams. Roy Strong,
Artists of the Tudor Court: The Portrait Miniature Rediscovered, 1510±1620
(London: Victoria & Albert Museum, 1983), pp. 136±7, reproduces a
painting of Essex with a diamond impresa, which may record his
costume at the 1595 tournament; see also Young, `English Tournament
Imprese', p. 72, on the contemporary accounts of the diamond impresa
used on this occasion and its attribution to Essex; and Young's The
Notes to pages 131±4 267
English Tournament Imprese (New York: AMS, 1988), pp. 26±7, 58 (impresa
no. 95). One of the impresa verses which Wright addresses to Essex takes
the diamond as its theme.
70 McCoy, ` ``Dangerous Image'' ', pp. 314±15, 321±3, argues that Francis
Bacon was using the event to heal divisions between Essex and
Elizabeth, as well as to commend Essex for high of®ce.
71 Writing to Sir Robert Sidney on 5 November, Rowland Whyte mentions
that Essex ®rst saw the book `on Monday last': HMC, Report on the
Manuscripts of Lord De L'Isle and Dudley Reserved at Penshurst Place, ii (1934),
pp. 182±4. 5 November was a Wednesday (assumed Old Style). Most of
the Wright papers are dated `November 1595' or similar, but this could
relate to when they were ®led, or the occasion itself, as easily as to the
date of copying. Hicks, `Robert Persons', suggests that Burghley or
Robert Cecil may have shown Elizabeth the book (pp. 122±3).
72 James Spedding (ed.), The Letters and the Life of Francis Bacon, 7 vols
(London: Longmans et al., 1861±74), i, pp. 374±92.
73 Spedding (ibid., i, p. 386) believes the speeches were written by Essex, but
Hammer, ` ``Bright Shininge Sparke'' ', p. 96, suggests that Francis
Bacon ± perhaps also Sir Edward Reynoldes, and others ± may have
composed some of them. Young, Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments, p. 172,
points to the problem of distinguishing drafts from what was really used.
74 Letter to Sir Robert Sidney, transcribed in Arthur Collins, Letters and
Memorials of State (1746), and quoted in Spedding (ed.), Letters and the Life
of Francis Bacon, i, pp. 374±5.
75 Young, Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments, p. 175.
76 `Wenche' is a substitute for `Q±e' ( `Queene') in f.207a, from which the
above transcription is taken (explanatory verses only); other copies at
f.210a±b (explanatory verses only), f.212a±b (both devices and verses),
f.224a±b (devices only). All copies have eight items; the explanatory
verses have marginalia. For a different reworking of the ass emblem,
originally from Alciato and copied in Whitney's Emblemes (1586), see
Peter M. Daly and Barri Hooper, `John Harvey's Carved Mantel-Piece
(ca. 1570): An Early Instance of the Use of Alciato Emblems in
England', in Peter M. Daly (ed.), Andrea Alciato and the Emblem Tradition
(New York: AMS, 1988), pp. 177±204.
77 Quoted from the copy at f.212.
78 This in turn may have alluded to a Cecil entertainment where a
postboy with letters from the Emperor of China asks for Secretary
Cecil: see Young, Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments, p. 175.
79 Stroud, `Thomas Wright', pp. 203±5. Hammer, ` ``Bright Shininge
Sparke'' ', suggests that the two sides disavowed `possible causes of
private animosity' (p. 291) but since the Tilt itself was a jibe, it is not
impossible that Essex approved the pasquinade.
80 Despite his passionate support of Elizabeth, Copley was imprisoned
several times during her reign: DNB. Around the time of James I's
268 Notes to pages 134±41
accession, he was involved in a plot to secure the throne for Arbella
Stuart. See Pritchard, Catholic Loyalism, pp. 78±118; Salmon, Renaissance
and Revolt, pp. 176±88 (discussing the assimilation of Gallican principles
by some English Catholics).
81 Jeffrey Kemp, An Empire Nowhere: England, America, and Literature from
`Utopia' to `The Tempest' (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992),
p. 83. His discussion of A Fig For Fortune (pp. 85±6, 94±5) suffers from
an assumption that Copley, as a Catholic, must be using the term
negatively. But in stanzas such as the following, Copley is consoling the
Catholic exile without impugning either Elizabeth or England.
But such her glories are but eare-delightes
And lip-sweets only to our far awayes,
For we are no Elizium-bred wightes
Nor have we any such like merrie dayes;
Wee have our joyes in another kind
Ghostly innated in our soule and mind. (p. 59)
82 For the Catholic contribution to English neo-stoicism, see J. H. M.
Salmon, `Seneca and Tacitus in Jacobean England', in Peck (ed.),
Mental World, esp. pp. 184±6.
83 Copley may have published the book himself (STC); no reference to the
ban has been found in the Stationers' Company records.
84 Copley goes on: `as also in regard of (the herrings taile) which what stuff
it is the title shews, and yet they highly esteeme and give it countenance
for being penned by a lay disciple of theirs'. The reference is to A
Herrings Tayle, an allegorical poem of 1598 which can be interpreted as
satirising the con¯ict between Jesuits and Appellants by a retelling of
the proverb `The slow snail climbeth the tower at last', in which the
Appellant side, cast as the snail, challenges St. Peter's weathercock on
the top of a church spire. Though the episode ends with the discom®-
ture of the Appellant, Copley is wrong in supposing the poem to be
pro-Jesuit; the poem's author was of conformist sympathies, which
would be in keeping with its traditional attribution to Richard Carew of
Anthony. (I plan to write an article which will give a more detailed
account of the poem.)
85 Sometimes attributed to Robert Chambers: ARCR ii, no. 112.
86 Maureen Quilligan, The Language of Allegory: De®ning the Genre (Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, this edn. 1992), pp. 26±33, 41 (commenting on
the doctrinal signi®cance of Spenser's onomastic wordplay).

4 catholic loyalism: ii. stuart writers
1 E.g. in Joseph Stevenson, S.J. (ed.), Henry Clifford. The Life of Jane Dormer,
Duchess of Feria (London: Burns & Oates, 1887), p. 94; Clifford himself,
however, believed her last hours were anguished and devoid of prayer
(pp. 98±100).
2 Clancy, Papist Pamphleteers, p. 2.
Notes to pages 142±4 269
3 The most recent narration of Catholic loyalism and extremism in early
Jacobean England is Antonia Fraser's The Gunpowder Plot: Terror and Faith
in 1605 (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, this edn. 1997). See also
Francis Edwards, S.J. (ed.), The Gunpowder Plot. The Narrative of Oswald
Tesimond Alias Greenway (London: Folio Society, 1973), p. 21. For the
mood of optimism at James I's accession, see Philip Caraman, S.J.,
Henry Garnet, 1555±1606, and the Gunpowder Plot (London: Longmans,
1964), pp. 305, 315, and William Weston: the autobiography of an Elizabethan
(London: Longmans, 1955), pp. 222±4.
4 See Gary Wills, Witches and Jesuits: Shakespeare's `Macbeth' (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1995). B. N. de Luna, Jonson's Romish Plot: A
Study of `Catiline' and its Historical Context (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967).
Brought before the Consistory Court on charges of recusancy in
January 1606, Jonson confessed to `having heretofore been of some
other opinion in religion, which now upon better advisement he is
determined to alter' (p. 135).
5 `Quid iuvat occult± tot semina condere ¯amm±? / Ah miseri prohibete
minas. Sua Numina novit / Fulmen, & in magnum nescit peccare
Tonantem' (f.C3a).
6 Questier, `Loyalty, Religion', and Patterson, King James VI and I, ch. 3,
are the two most extended studies of the Oath. I know of no hostile
poetic reactions to the Oath of Allegiance comparable to those elicited
later in the century by the Test Act (®rst embodied in legislation in
1661, extended to cover all public of®ces in 1673): e.g. Dryden in Part iii
of The Hind and the Panther, or Jane Barker in her versi®ed conversion-
narrative (Magdalen College, Oxford, MS 343, pp. 21±2): but cf. the
satirical poem `The Reformers Oath of Alleageance' in I.B., Epigrammes
[1627±34], pp. 41±5, followed by a poem to Charles I where the writer
swears that Reformers are the true traitors (p. 46).
7 D. M. Rogers, `John Abbot (1588?-1650)', Biographical Studies 1534±1829,
i:1 (1951), pp. 22±33.
8 It was a Catholic belief that the spiritual merits of Mary Stuart's
martyrdom would bring about the grace of James's conversion. See
Fraser, Gunpowder Plot, p. xxix.
9 Gordon Albion, Charles I and the Court of Rome (London: Burns, Oates &
Washbourne, 1935), ch. 1 (part 2) describes Lope de Vega's song of
welcome to Charles (p. 27), and, more generally, the Spaniards'
attempts to convert Charles during his stay.

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