<<

. 9
( 10)



>>

10 Though he does write that the poem was begun `for your royall sakes'
(p. 109). Puzzlingly, the poem is dated from Antwerp on 12 November
1623 (from what Rogers thinks may have been a ®ctitious address to
conceal Abbot's real whereabouts) even though Charles had returned
unmarried to England on 5 October. Abbot may not have known this;
or have received the news while the poem was in the press; or it might
have been published from a manuscript that had been sent to the royal
270 Notes to pages 144±6
addressees some months earlier, with Abbot's letter redated and left in
as a plea for reconsideration. However, misleading reportage seems
most likely: Nieuwe Tijdinghen, no. 131 (10/11), 1623, carries a letter from
London dated 17 October (old style) claiming that the Infanta would
travel to England in the spring. (I am grateful to Paul Arblaster for this
reference.) The printing was done abroad (ARCR ii, no. 3).
11 Joseph Meade to Sir Martin Stuteville, 24 May 1623 BL, Harleian MS
389, f.33a1. (I am grateful to Arnold Hunt for this reference.)
12 Bodleian, MS.Eng. poet.c.61, ff.52b±53a, `Uppon Prince Charles his
going to Spaigne' (attr. `John Brereley'). A fragment in the same
manuscript (slip guarded in before p. 45) gestures towards allegory in its
imaginative rendition of the workings of Providence. Britannia leaves
heaven, and God calls an angel to him, to whom he conveys his desire
that Prince Charles should be married to the Infanta. The angel ¯ies to
Whitehall, where the king, `still carefull of his country' and puzzling over
the question of the Spanish match, becomes tired and falls asleep. The
angel appears to him in a vision, and tells him to send Charles into Spain.
Waking, the king is plagued by doubts until he submits to God's will.
13 See Thomas Cogswell, The Blessed Revolution: English Politics and the
Coming of War, 1621±1624 (Cambridge University Press, 1989), prologue,
and C. F. Main, `Poems on the ``Spanish Marriage'' of Prince Charles',
N & Q , 200 (1955), pp. 336±40.
14 See the introductions to the two most recent editions of A Game At
Chesse, both edited by T. H. Howard-Hill (Oxford: Malone Society,
1990, and Manchester University Press, 1993) for summaries of recent
scholarship. See ch. 1, note 17.
15 Explanations of the allegory were appended to Robert le Grys's
translation in 1628 (2nd edn. 1629) and the second edition of Kingsmill
Long's in 1636. All quotations come from the second edition of Long.
16 Annabel Patterson, Censorship and Interpretation: The Conditions of Writing
and Reading in Early Modern England (Madison: University of Wisconsin
Press, 1984), pp. 180±5, speculates that le Grys's edition, which empha-
sizes how it has been done at royal command, may be related to
Charles's dif®culties with the passage of the Petition of Right through
Parliament in 1628. The Petition asserted the illegality of taxation
without parliamentary consent, while Argenis has a debate which
concludes that the right of taxation belongs to kings.
17 See Gordon Albion, Charles I and the Court of Rome: A Study in Seventeenth-
Century Diplomacy (London: Burns, Oates & Washbourne, 1935); Caroline
Hibbard, Charles I and the Popish Plot (Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 1983); R. Malcolm Smuts, Court Culture and the Origins of a
Royalist Tradition in Early Stuart England (Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press, 1987), esp. ch. 8, and (ed.) The Stuart Court and
Europe: Essays in Politics and Political Culture (Cambridge University Press,
1996), chs. 4±8. The most recent biography of Barclay is contained in
Notes to pages 146±8 271
the introduction to David A. Fleming (ed.), John Barclay Euphormionis
Lushini Satyricon (Nieuwkoop: B. de Graaf, 1973).
18 See Paul Salzman, English Prose Fiction, 1558±1700: A Critical History
(Oxford: Clarendon, 1985), pp. 149±55; Potter, Secret Rites, pp. 74±7.
19 E.g. Racan's Artenice in 1626: see Stephen Orgel and Roy Strong, Inigo
Jones: The Theatre of the Stuart Court, 2 vols (London: Sotheby Parke
Bernet/University of California Press, 1973), i, pp. 383±8. All quota-
tions from the masques are taken from this edition.
20 Chloridia (1631); Tempe Restored (1632); The Temple of Love (1635); Luminalia
(1638). Salmacida Spolia (1640) was presented jointly with Charles.
21 David Lindley (ed.), The Court Masque (Manchester University Press,
1984); Martin Butler, Theatre and Crisis, 1632±1642 (Cambridge Univer-
sity Press, 1984), esp. chs. 2±4; Kevin Sharpe, Criticism and Compliment:
The Politics of Literature in the England of Charles I (Cambridge University
Press, 1987). Further discussion of the political context of individual
masques can be found in Martin Butler, `Politics and the Masque:
Salmacida Spolia', in Thomas Healy and Jonathan Sawday (eds.), Litera-
ture and the English Civil War (Cambridge University Press, 1990);
Stephen Kogan, The Hieroglyphic King: Wisdom and Idolatry in the Seven-
teenth-Century Masque (London: Associated University Presses, 1986);
David Norbrook, ` ``The Masque of Truth'': Court Entertainments and
International Protestant Politics in the Early Stuart Period', The Seven-
teenth Century, 1:2 (1986), 81±110; Martin Butler, `The Politics of the
Caroline Masque', in J. R. Mulryne and Margaret Shewring (eds.),
Theatre and Government Under the Early Stuarts (Cambridge University
Press, 1993). A study of the Catholic literature of Charles I's reign is
currently being undertaken by Victoria James of Merton College,
Oxford.
22 Stephen Orgel has commented that `royal patrons should be considered
full collaborators in these productions': `Plato, the Magi, and Caroline
Politics: A Reading of The Temple of Love', Word and Image, 4:3/4 (1988),
pp. 663±77 (quotation p. 669). Jerzy Limon's distinction between the
pre-text, existing as part of the scenario for the dramatic performance,
and the printed text may be helpful in establishing the stage at which
royal ideas were most likely to have been incorporated: The Masque of
Stuart Culture (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1990), pp. 26±8.
23 Veevers's book is indispensable reading to anyone interested in the
subject, and the discussion below is indebted to her, though my readings
of the Queen's masques modify hers in some respects.
24 Veevers, Images, pp. 84, 135±42; Albion, Charles I, ch. 6.
25 Veevers, Images, pp. 138, 147±8; and see also Martin Butler's important
response to Veevers's reading of The Temple of Love in his review of Images
in History, 75 (1990), p. 321. For evidence of Inigo Jones's Catholic
sympathies, see Chaney, Grand Tour, pp. 343±4.
26 Davenant was pro-Catholic at the time, and of®cially converted in the
272 Notes to pages 148±51
late 1640s. See Mary Edmond, Rare Sir William Davenant (Manchester
University Press, 1987), pp. 88, 103.
27 Veevers, Images, pp. 93±109, 122±33 (comparing the iconography with
recusant devotional books such as Henry Hawkins's Parthenia Sacra).
28 Butler, Theatre and Crisis, chs. 3±4, discusses the Queen's `politicisation
of love'. For her political allegiances before 1637, see R. Malcolm
Smuts, `The Puritan Followers of Henrietta Maria in the 1630s', EHR,
93 (1978), pp. 26±45. Though Sharpe argues that the masque criticises
the `unnaturalness and sterility' of platonic love (Criticism and Compliment,
p. 245), Henrietta Maria had imbued a high doctrine of marriage from
the writings of St Francis de Sales and held that marriage could
potentially be a realisation of neoplatonic ideals; both Davenant and
the Queen may simply have intended to satirise misconceptions of
platonic love. See Veevers, Images, ch. 1 generally and pp. 44±7
(Shepherd's Paradise), 88±9, 134±5 (Temple of Love).
29 Veevers, Images, ch. 1 and p. 88.
30 The anti-puritan satire is discussed by Martin Butler, `Politics of the
Caroline Masque', pp. 142±6.
31 In Salmacida Spolia, Intellectual Appetite is dressed in changeable silk:
`while she embraceth Reason, all the actions of men are rightly
governed' (Orgel and Strong (eds.), Inigo Jones, ii, p. 730).
32 Veevers, Images, pp. 83, 183.
33 Martin Butler places The Temple of Love in the context of the revival of
the Queen's political activities in the mid-1630s: Theatre and Crisis, p. 30.
34 Kevin Sharpe has recently commented that Charles's `attitudes to
government and authority often read like an extension to the common-
weal of the government of the family', and, of later in the reign, `it was
the happy circumstances and practice of domestic government . . . that
empowered the representation with reality': The Personal Rule of Charles I
(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), p. 188. Sir Robert Filmer's
Patriarcha, maintaining that rulers had a fatherly power over their
subjects rather than power derived from those subjects' consent, was
written in the 1620s and early 1630s: but as J. P. Sommerville comments
in the introduction to his edition of Patriarcha and Other Writings
(Cambridge University Press, 1991), it was also possible to argue in
favour of an authoritarian and patriarchal family and against an
authoritarian state.
35 E.g. James Daly, Sir Robert Filmer and English Political Thought (University
of Toronto Press, 1979) ch. 3, esp. pp. 63±7; J. P. Sommerville, Politics
and Ideology in England, 1603±1640 (London: Longman, 1988), pp. 27±34.
Margaret J. M. Ezell, The Patriarch's Wife: Literary Evidence and the History
of the Family (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1987),
discusses Filmer's emphasis on a wife's participation in domestic
government.
36 E.g. Tempe Restored, l. 250 ff.; Luminalia, l. 39 ff.
Notes to pages 151±5 273
37 Butler, `Politics of the Caroline Masque', has commented that Charles
I's own masques were focused more immediately than James I's on the
person of the king (p. 125).
38 Albion, Charles I, pp. 67, 78.
39 See The Letters of Queen Henrietta Maria, ed. Mary Anne Everett Green
(London: Richard Bentley, 1857), pp. 7±8; discussed in Veevers, Images,
ch. 3. These are exemplars from a common Catholic stock. Nicolas
Caussin's The Holy Court, a devotional work dedicated to the Queen and
popular at the Caroline court, refers to the evangelical efforts of Helena,
Clotilde and Inegondis; John Abbot in the dedication to Jesus Prae®gured
compares the Spanish Infanta to Clotilde, Theodolinda and Inegondis.
40 After the failure of the Spanish marriage negotiations, which had
involved a daringly pro-Catholic marriage treaty, Parliament had been
promised on 23 April 1624 that English Catholics would be given no
concessions in any subsequent ones: Martin Havran, The Catholics in
Caroline England (Stanford University Press, 1962), pp. 20±3.
41 Ibid., p. 35.
42 E.g. the letter of 12 July 1626 printed in Sir Charles Petrie (ed.), Letters,
Speeches and Proclamations of King Charles I (London: Cassell, 1968),
pp. 42±5 (cf. pp. 40±1).
43 Cabala. Mysteries of State (1654), pp. 198, 301. This account is synthesised
from Havran, Catholics, chs. 2±3; Albion, Charles I, chs. 2±3; and
Henrietta Maria's two most recent biographers: Quentin Bone, Henrietta
Maria: Queen of the Cavaliers (London: Peter Owen, 1973), ch. 2; and
Elizabeth Hamilton, Henrietta Maria (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1976),
chs. 6±8. Henrietta Maria's later correspondence with Charles and
others sometimes reveals her criticising him, or combining protestations
of obedience with an assumption that she will be given an active role in
decision-making (Letters, ed. Everett Green, pp. 112±18, 124±7, 224±5):
cf. the case-studies of marital correspondence in Anthony Fletcher,
Gender, Sex and Subordination in England, 1500±1800 (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1995), ch. 8.
44 Jonathan Goldberg has discussed the politicisation of the Stuart
marriages: `the private sphere . . . is mysti®ed, politicised, made into an
ideological construct' ( James I and the Politics of Literature: Jonson,
Shakespeare, Donne and Their Contemporaries (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 1983), pp. 94±7).
‚ ‚
45 From the Memoires inedits of the French ambassador, Conte Leveneur de
Á
Tillieres, ed. M. C. Hippeau (Paris: Poulet-Malassis, 1862), pp. 118±22.
46 Butler, `Politics of the Caroline Masque', p. 121 (cf. pp. 127, 152).
47 1 Peter 3.1±2.
48 Veevers, Images, introduction; Sophie Tomlinson, `She That Plays the
King: Henrietta Maria and the Threat of the Actress in Caroline
Culture', in Gordon McMullen and Jonathan Hope (eds.), The Politics of
Tragicomedy: Shakespeare and After (London: Routledge, 1992).
274 Notes to pages 156±7
49 Elizabeth Cary, Lady Falkland, The Tragedy of Mariam, Fair Queen of
Jewry. With The Lady Falkland Her Life, ed. Barry Weller and Margaret W.
Ferguson (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), `Life', p. 195.
It may not be a coincidence that matters came to a head between Cary
and her husband in the ®rst years of Charles's and Henrietta Maria's
marriage.
50 In fact, the succession devolved to the son of Mariam's son (also called
Aristobolos) by Herod.
51 Mariam was printed in 1613 and may have been written up to ten years
earlier. Marta Straznicky has argued against a `biographical and mimetic
orientation' on the grounds that dates are too vague to permit life-art
connections (`Profane Stoical Paradoxes': The Tragedie of Mariam and
Sidnean Closet Drama', ELR, 24:1 (1994), pp. 104±34). In the same issue
of the journal, Laurie J. Shannon censures the use of the biography as a
hermeneutical tool (`The Tragedie of Mariam: Cary's Critique of the Terms
of Founding Social Discourses', pp. 135±53). See also Stephanie Wright,
`The Canonization of Elizabeth Cary', in Kate Chedgzoy, Melanie
Hansen and Suzanne Trill (eds.), Voicing Women: Gender and Sexuality in Early
Modern Writing (Keele University Press, 1996); and Dympna Callaghan,
`Re-Reading Elizabeth Cary's Tragedy of Mariam, Fair Queen of Jewry', in
Margo Hendricks and Patricia Parker (eds.), Women, `Race', and Sexuality in
the Early Modern Period (London: Routledge, 1994), esp. pp. 165±7. I have
discussed the literary effects of prolonged conversion, and of experimen-
tation with conversion, in chapter two, and do not consider the
chronologies given by any of these scholars to militate against an
autodidactic interpretation of the play. There would, as well, have been
no particular hagiographical reason for claiming, as the `Life' does, that
Cary had Catholic sympathies for most of her married life before 1626.
52 Alison Shell, `Autodidacticism and Authority: Elizabeth Cary's Mariam'
(forthcoming).
53 However, Catholic households frequently consisted of recusant wives
married to occasional conformists, since recusant heads of households
faced much severer penalties than their wives: Walsham, Church-Papists,
p. 78. On the related phenomenon of Catholic matriarchalism, see
Bossy, English Catholic Community, pp. 153±60. Patricia Crawford argues
that both Catholic and Protestant women married to husbands not of
their faith were invited to put the demands of their conscience before
the wish of their spouses, where these con¯icted; but she also points out
that as Protestantism became the established faith, its commentators
grew less radical: `Public Duty, Conscience, and Women in Early
Modern England', in John Morrill, Paul Slack and Daniel Woolf (eds.),
Public Duty and Private Conscience in Seventeenth-Century England (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1993), ch. 5, esp. pp. 67 ff. Trimble, Catholic Laity,
pp. 151±3, comments on the inconsistency of legal practice relating to
female recusancy.
Notes to pages 157±8 275
54 George Hakewill's MS treatise `The Wedding Robe' (Bod MS Jones 14,
ff.305±14) claims in its subtitle to be written to address `the unlawfullnes
of Protestants marriages with Papists', but actually designs itself to
exclude any comment on couples already married ± though he quotes,
without comment, the opinion of the `Civilians and Canonists' that
disparity of worship or cultus disparitus is `a suf®cient stop, not only to
hinder marriage to bee made; but of force to inforce a nullity, and to
reave it asunder beeing made' (p. 306). Hakewill's treatise, which would
reward further research, dates from around the time of the proposed
marriage of Prince Charles with the Spanish Infanta, and is probably
that which caused his dismissal from the post of chaplain to the Prince
(DNB). This crisis also affected William Gouge's treatise Of Domesticall
Duties; it seems to have been censored in 1622, with the section advising
against Protestants marrying papists being cut to four lines.
55 The usual assumption of a male addressee tends to leave the question
unanswered, e.g. in John Dod and Robert Cleaver, A Godlie Form of
Household Government, 1617 edn., p. 313.
56 The problem is sometimes addressed via the question of correct
behaviour for Protestant wives married to Catholic husbands: Dod and
Cleaver, ibid., 1617 edn., f.F3b±4. William Perkins, MS notes on
marriage quoted in Peter Lake, `Feminine Piety and Personal Potency:
the ``Emancipation'' of Mrs Jane Ratcliffe', The Seventeenth Century, 2:2
(1987), pp. 143±65, esp. p. 152; William Gouge, Of Domesticall Duties
(1634 ed.), p. 329; and (from the heroic early stages of Protestantism)
John Bale, Select Works, ed. Henry Christmas (Cambridge: Parker
Society, 1849), p. 199. See also Thomas Becon, A New Catechism, in John
Ayre (ed.), The Catechism of Thomas Becon (Cambridge: Parker Society,
1844), p. 341, suggesting that if a wife was encouraged by a husband to
commit idolatry she should forsake him.
57 The few Catholic commentators on the subject appear more uniformly
radical: Gregory Martin, A Treatise of Schisme (1578), f.B6b; Henry
Garnet, Treatise of Christian Renunciation, pp. 145±6 (discussed in
Walsham, Church Papists, p. 35). The Catholic martyr Margaret
Clitheroe de®ed her Protestant husband with the priest John Mush's
support (see Mush's biography in John Morris, The Troubles of Our
Catholic Forefathers, 3 vols. (London: Burns & Oates, 1872±7), pp. 381±2).
Other writers (e.g. John Radford, Directorie Teaching the Way to the Truth
(1605), p. 522, and Thomas Hide, Consolatorie Epistle to the Af¯icted Catho-
likes (1580 edn.), f.Bi-iia), assume a male addressee but stress the limited
claims of familial duty as against duty to God.
58 See Rebecca W. Bushnell, Tragedies of Tyrants: Political Thought and Theatre
in the English Renaissance (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990); Maurice
J. Valency, The Tragedies of Herod and Mariamne (New York: AMS, 1966,
®rst published 1940). Catholics at this time could go out of their way to
endorse tyranny, stressing personal dissociation from the resistance
276 Notes to pages 159±62
theorists of the recent past: Edmund Bolton stated in Nero Caesar [ca.
1621], that `No Prince is so bad as not to make monarckie seeme the best
forme of government' (f.A2b, quoted from 2nd edn. of 1627).
59 Thomas Gataker, Certaine Sermons (1637), f.3R4b.
60 See also Foley, Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus, i,
pp. 210±11, for a letter written to Henrietta Maria by an anonymous
Jesuit commending Esther as exemplar [22 March, ca. 1641±4].
61 Huntington Library, MS HM 120, dedicated to Sir Anthony Cage and
wife. For other copies cited in library catalogues, and their dedicatees,
see Leota Snider Willis, `Francis Lenton, Queen's Poet', PhD thesis
(printed), University of Pennsylvania, 1931. William Carew Hazlitt, the
only person to have compared them all, writes that there are few points
of divergence between the MSS except in the titles, dates and patrons
to whom each is addressed: Collections and Notes (London: Reeves &
Turner, 1876), p. 255. The poem is brie¯y discussed by Veevers, Images,
pp. 82±3.
62 A contemporary reader has annotated the end of the MS with adjura-
tions and biblical texts forbidding frowardness, `a sine as well to be
strove against as other grosser ons'.
63 Paraphrasing Esther 1.16±18.
64 McClure (ed.), Letters and Epigrams, Epigram 401. For a less ironical
instance of Esther as Catholic exemplar, see Robert Southwell, An
Humble Supplication to Her Majestie, ed. R. C. Bald (Cambridge University
Press, 1953), p. 9. Francis Quarles's Hadassa: Or the History of Queen Ester
(1621) is addressed to James I, and uses the story to re¯ect upon
governance.
65 ARCR ii, no. 524, describing the Bodleian copy of Gregory Martin's A
Treatise of Schisme (1578), in which Catholic women are recommended to
emulate Judith, who refused even to eat with Holofernes. At the trial of
the printer William Carter, this was interpreted as an incitement to
Elizabeth's assassination.
66 I.e. tinsel-cloth.
67 The two main costume-designs for Luminalia reproduced by Orgel and
Strong (Inigo Jones, ii, pp. 718±23) have a number of comparable details,
though it is not clear whether either was intended for the Queen. The
light-giving carbuncle may allude to the central image of Luminalia
(though a date of 1637, even old-style, argues against the poem's having
been begun after the actual performance on 6 February 1638). Esther
was traditionally costumed in a richly seductive manner (cf. portrait in
Thomas Heywood, The Exemplary Lives . . . of Nine [sic] the Most Worthy
Women (1640)), though, as Pierre Merlin commented in A Most Plaine and
Pro®table Exposition of the Booke of Ester (1599), `they who are delighted
with the noveltie and vanitie of sumptuous and most luxurious apparell
. . . are nothing holpen by this example' (pp. 256±7).
68 Veevers, Images, pp. 146±7.
Notes to pages 163±5 277
69 Cf. the versi®ed Litany of Loreto in I.B., Virginalia (1632), pp. 30, 36.
70 Cressy, Bon®res and Bells, argues that this encouraged the mythical
construction of Elizabeth's reign as a golden age.
71 Trinity College, Dublin, TCD MS 1194, pp. 50±7.
72 Keith Lindley, `The Part Played by the Catholics', in Brian Manning
(ed.), Politics, Religion and the English Civil War (London: Edward Arnold,
1973), pp. 127±78 (quotation from editor's introductory comments).
73 The introduction to John Morrill (ed.), Reactions to the English Civil War,
1642±1649 (London: Macmillan, 1982) argues that few English writers
of any persuasion proclaimed the right of resistance to tyrants in the
early Stuart period, and that passive disobedience had always been
more characteristic of the Puritan party, with theories of resistance
being evolved in an ad hoc manner as hostilities began.
74 Nor, as J. C. H. Aveling has commented, the claims made by most
Catholic peers and gentry around 1660 that they had been royalists all
along: The Handle and the Axe: the Catholic Recusants in England from
Reformation to Emancipation (London: Blond & Briggs, 1976), ch. 7. The
Christopher Hill quotation comes from The Century of Revolution,
1603±1714 (1961: this edn. London: Abacus, 1978), p. 60. B. G. Black-
wood, The Lancashire Gentry and the Great Rebellion, 1640±1660 (Man-
chester: Chetham Society, 1978), while emphasizing the strong Royalist
commitment among recusant gentry in this county, comments that up
to one hundred of them may have been neutral (pp. 63±4). See also
J. T. Cliffe, The Yorkshire Gentry From the Reformation to the Civil War
(London: Athlone, 1969), p. 345; and David F. Mosler, `The Warwick-
shire Catholics in the Civil War', RH, 15 (1980), pp. 259±64, who
argues for large-scale neutralism on grounds of poverty. Margaret
Blundell (ed.), Cavalier: The Letters of William Blundell to His Friends,
1620±1698 (London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1933) provides a case-
study of one Catholic Royalist.
75 Quoted in Sir George Duckett, `Civil War Proceedings in Yorkshire',
Yorkshire Archaeological and Topographical Journal, 7 (1881±2), pp. 63±79.
For the statistically negligible, individually interesting Catholics who
supported Parliament, see Cliffe, Yorkshire Gentry, p. 345; Ivan Roots, The
Great Rebellion, 1642±1660 (London: Batsford, 1966), pp. 63, 66.
76 P. R. Newman, `Catholic Royalist Activists in the North, 1642±1646',
RH, 14:1 (1977), pp. 26±38, and `Catholic Royalists of Northern
England, 1642±1645', Northern History, 15 (1979), pp. 88±95, both articles
engaging with the neutralist model set out in Lindley, `Part Played by
the Catholics'. C. B. Phillips argues for a lesser (though still signi®cant)
correlation between Catholicism and Royalism in two other Northern
counties, offset by a high degree of neutralism: `The Royalist North:
The Cumberland and Westmorland Gentry, 1642±1660', Northern
History, 14 (1978), pp. 169±192. See also B. G. Blackwood, `Parties and
Issues in the Civil War in Lancashire and East Anglia', Northern History,
278 Notes to pages 165±7
29 (1993), pp. 99±125; Cliffe, Yorkshire Gentry, pp. 343±8 (royalists). In
Lancashire Gentry, Blackwood also offers brief comments on the pro-
mising, and under-researched, topic of divided Catholic families and
individual side-changers (pp. 65, 71).
77 For anti-popery, see Brian Manning, The English People and the English
Revolution, 1640±1649 (London: Heinemann, 1976), ch. 2; and ch. 3 in
Manning (ed.), Politics, Religion. Clifton, `Fear of Popery', discusses
disquiet over Catholic loyalty to the Crown at this date; G. E. Aylmer,
The Struggle For the Constitution (London: Blandford, 1963), p. 118, suggests
that some Catholics were driven from neutralism to royalism by the
anti-popery of Parliament. The frequent invisibility of Catholics to the
historian is particularly noticeable in discussions of initial recruitment,
and such formulations as the following: `just as the royalist clergy had
recruited for the king so the Puritan divines did so for Parliament. . . . It
was not so much men's belief in rival sets of political principles which
distinguished the two armies as the sharp contrast between their
religious attitudes' (Anthony Fletcher, The Outbreak of the English Civil
War (London: Edward Arnold, 1981), p. 346). Fletcher himself,
however, points towards a more nuanced picture when describing the
dif®culties inherent in Catholic support for a king who declared himself
to be ®ghting in defence of the Protestant religion (pp. 328±9).
78 See also John Austin (William Birchley), The Christian Moderator (1st edn.
1651: see Clancy, English Catholic Books, 1641±1700, 50±5).
79 The two most recent studies of Blackloism are Beverley C. Southgate,
`Covetous of Truth': The Life and Work of Thomas White, 1593±1676, Archives

Internationales d'Histoire des Idees, 134 (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1993), esp.
chs. 5±7, commenting on divisions among Catholics in the mid-1650s
on the subjects of regicide and religious toleration; and Dorothea
Krook, John Sergeant and His Circle: A Study of the Seventeenth-Century English
Aristoteleans (Leiden: E. G. Brill, 1993). See also Robert I. Bradley, S.J.,
`Blacklo and the Counter-Reformation: An Enquiry Into the Strange
Death of Catholic England', in Charles H. Carter (ed.), From the
Renaissance to the Counter-Reformation: Essays in Honour of Garrett Mattingly
(London: Jonathan Cape, 1966), pp. 348±70; T. A. Birrell, `English
Catholics Without a Bishop, 1655±1672', RH, 4 (1958), pp. 142±78, and
his introduction to Robert Pugh, Blacklo's Cabal (1680) (Farnborough:
Gregg, 1970); Chaney, Grand Tour, p. 91.
80 I.e. King or Parliament.
81 Cf. the reference to Philo the Jew by the writer of an anonymous
prefatory verse to John Abbot's later volume Devout Rhapsodies [1647:
published under the name of J. A. Rivers], f.A4a.
82 For (e.g.) Sir Percy Herbert's The Princess Chloria, see Nigel Smith,
Literature and Revolution in England, 1640±1660 (New Haven: Yale Uni-
versity Press, 1994, repr. 1997), pp. 237±9.
83 NLW, Peniarth MS 375B.
Notes to pages 170±1 279

5 the subject of exile: i
1 The poem is probably dateable to mid-late 1651, when Cowley was
living in the Louvre as secretary to Henry, Lord Jermyn. See Hilton
Kelliher, `Cowley and ``Orinda'': Autograph Fair Copies', British Library
Journal, 2:2 (1976), pp. 102±8 (from which the above transcription is also
taken); and David Trotter, The Poetry of Abraham Cowley (London:
Macmillan, 1979), pp. 59±60, 72±82 (for the friendship between
Cowley and Crashaw).
2 Oldisworth's verse is preserved in Bod. MS Don.c.24, f.25.
3 Anthony G. Petti, `Unknown sonnets by Sir Toby Matthew', RH, 9:3
(1967), pp. 123±58 (transcription taken from this source). As surviving in
Huntington Library MS 198, Part II, they begin with a sonnet to the
poet's friend and end with one entitled `Upon the Expectacon of a
friends Cominge to me', and may originally have been grouped
together thus as a gift. The subjects combine protestations of friendship
with Catholic hagiological topics.
4 John P. Feil, `Sir Tobie Matthew and His Collection of Letters' (Chicago
University PhD thesis, 1962), Part i, is the most recent biography.
5 Designated as George Gage I in the biographical account by Philippa
Revill and Francis W. Steer, `George Gage I and George Gage II',
Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 31 (1958), pp. 141±158
(correcting DNB account). Gage was involved in the negotiations in
Rome for the Spanish marriage treaty; an account of these is attributed
to him (Bod. MS. Rawl. B.488). However, D. M. Rogers believed this
was forged (p. 153).
6 David Howarth, Lord Arundel and His Circle (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1985), pp. 66±7, 156±8.
7 Chaney, Grand Tour. Chaney's more recent The Evolution of the Grand
Tour: Anglo-Italian Cultural Relations Since the Renaissance (London: Frank
Cass, 1998) may well give a wider currency to his interpretation of the
topic, and I am grateful to him for letting me see proofs of his book as
this study was about to go to press. See also the discussion of Catholic
travellers and exiles in John Stoye, English Travellers Abroad, 1604±1667:
Their In¯uence on English Society and Politics (London: Jonathan Cape,
1952), pp. 265±7, 272±6, 353±5, 379±81. Stoye's `The Grand Tour in
the 17th Century', Journal of Anglo-Italian Studies, 1 (1991), pp. 62±73,
distinguishes between English tourism and English residence abroad.
8 See Jeremy Black, The British Abroad: The Grand Tour in the 18th Century
(Stroud: Alan Sutton, 1992), p. 3. This useful study is marred by a
tendency to take Whiggish prejudice as a benchmark of how all
Englishmen thought, in observations like `tourism in the 17th century
was different in kind from that of the mid-18th, when Jacobitism had
been crushed and Britain appeared less threatened, at home by
Catholicism and autocracy, abroad by Spain and France'. The intro-
280 Notes to pages 172±3
duction to Christopher Hibbert, The Grand Tour (London: Spring Books,
this edn. 1974) is more inclusive. But the continuing predisposition
towards the eighteenth century has recently been reinforced by John
Ingamells (comp.), A Dictionary of British and Irish Travellers in Italy,
1701±1800 (New Haven: Yale University Press, for Paul Mellon Centre,
1997), re¯ecting the emphases of its source, the Brinsley Ford archive.
9 Black, Grand Tour, p. 3; R. S. Pine-Cof®n, Bibliography of British and
American Travel in Italy to 1860 (Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 1974), pp. 24±6.
10 Richard Lassels, `An apologie for the Roman Catholicks' [1652±3],
Oscott MS 44, pp. i±ii.
11 A. C. F. Beales, Education Under Penalty: English Catholic Education From the
Reformation to the Fall of James II (London: Athlone, 1963), describes the
various educational possibilities at home and abroad. In Barclay's
Argenis (see ch. 4), Iburranes describes how the king of Sicily, or France,
is seeking to wipe out Huguenots from his realm by the peaceable
method of having their children removed and educated in the national
religion. Barclay himself left England in 1615, and in his preface to
Paraenesis ad Sectarios (1617), he claimed that this was in order that his
children born in England could be brought up as Catholics; the
discrepancy demonstrates both Barclay's ideal of unquestioning obedi-
ence to absolutism, and absolutism's limited territorial sway. Cf.
Annabel Patterson, Censorship and Interpretation: The Conditions of Writing
and Reading in Early Modern England (Madison: University of Wisconsin
Press, 1984), pp. 180±185.
12 No. 448 in the Oxford Book of Local Verse (from the version given in G. C.
Miller, Hoghton Tower (1954), pp. 29±32), where the author is tentatively
identi®ed as Roger Anderson, butler to Thomas Hoghton. For the
Continental exiles, see Peter Guilday, The English Catholic Refugees on the
Continent, 1558±1795, Vol. i. The English Colleges and Convents in the Catholic
Low Countries, 1558±1795 (no Vol. ii) (London: Longmans, 1914); Adrian
Morey, The Catholic Subjects of Elizabeth I (London: George Allen &
Unwin, 1978), chs. 6±7; John Bossy, `Rome and the Elizabethan
Catholics: A Question of Geography', HJ, 7:1 (1964), pp. 135±49
(mostly tracking the routes used): Christian Coppens (ed.), Reading in
Exile: The Libraries of John Ramridge (d. 1568), Thomas Harding (d. 1572) and
Henry Joliffe (d. 1573), Recusants in Louvain (Cambridge: Libri Pertinentes,
no. 2, 1993), introduction; Beales, Education Under Penalty, ch. 3.
13 Translated in Philip Caraman, The Other Face: Catholic Life Under Elizabeth
I (London: Longmans, 1960), p. 141 (ch. 17 anthologises re¯ections on
exile from contemporary writers). In his description of how he sought
the opportunity to go abroad after his conversion to Catholicism,
Henry Piers uses contemporary, perhaps Jesuit-inspired meditational
terminology to connect the experiences of conversion and travel. `I
made use of my outward sences whoe havinge found her posted
messengers unto the inward sences and imagination whoe presented
Notes to pages 173±5 281
her unto my understandinge will and memorie, which are the pouers of
the soule. The which eternall substance beinge then in desperatt estate,
and meetinge soe necessarie a guide was right glade to be carried unto
the place in the which the shipp wherein shee sayled might be newly
trymmed and rigged and hir pilate well instructed to direct hir unto the
haven of everlastinge happines, Nowe for as muche as noe motion can
be without a place from the which and to the which it should be
lymitted I made choise of Dublin [to be the one and Rome the other
. . .] . . . and so not without many dif®culties then occurringe leauvinge
behinde me, my parents, wife and children, Lands and an of®ce of
creditt, I undertooke my Jornye'. Transcription, checked against
original, from Thomas Frank (ed.), `An edition of A Discourse of HP his
travelles (MS Rawlinson D 83) With an Introduction on English
Travellers in Rome During the Age of Elizabeth', B.Litt thesis, Oxford,
1954, p. 111. For the distinction between memory, understanding and
will, see Martz, Poetry of Meditation.
14 Dures, English Catholicism, p. 30; Morey, Catholic Subjects, pp. 96±8;
Hibbert, Grand Tour, introduction.
15 Pine-Cof®n, British and American Travel, introduction. As he also points
out, travel-literature provides a barometer of softening attitudes
towards Catholicism in later periods.
16 The literature on English Jesuit drama is still small, but this chapter
draws on the following general studies: William M. MacCabe, `The
Play-List of the English College of St Omers, 1592±1762', Revue de

Litterature Comparee, 66 (1937), pp. 355±75, `Notes on the St Omers
College Theatre', PQ , 17.3 (1938), pp. 225±239, and An Introduction to the
English Jesuit Theatre (St Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1983); Suzanne
Gossett, `Drama in the English College, Rome, 1591±1660', ELR, 3
(1973), pp. 60±93. My doctoral thesis, `English Catholicism and Drama,
1578±1688' (Oxford D.Phil., 1992), has a more extensive discussion of
the topic than it has been possible to include here. For continental Jesuit
drama, see Johannes Muller, Das Jesuitendrama in den Landern Deutscher
zunge vom Aufang (1555) bis zum Hochbarock (1665), 2 vols (Augsburg:
‚Ã
Benno Filser, 1930); Jean-Marie Valentin, Le Theatre des Jesuites de Langue
‚Ã
Allemande (Benn: Peter Lang, 1978), and Le Theatre des Jesuites Dans les
Á ‚
Pays de Langue Allemande: Repertoire Chronologique des Pieces Representees et des

Documents Conservees (1555±1773), 2 vols (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1983±4).
17 E.g. the dramatist William Drury (see below, note 41).
18 Randolph Starn, Contrary Commonwealth: The Theme of Exile in Medieval and
Renaissance Italy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), p. 7.
19 A. Bartlett Giamatti, Exile and Change in Renaissance Literature (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1984), pp. 13±14; Dolora Wojciehowski,
`Petrarch's Temporal Exile and the Wounds of History', in James
Whitlark and Wendell Aycock (eds.), The Literature of Emigration and Exile
(Lubbock: Texas Tech University Press, 1992), pp. 11±21. However,
282 Notes to pages 175±8
Michael Seidel, Exile and the Narrative Imagination (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1986), introduction, calls the use of exile as a metaphor
for the alienated and marginalized consciousness `post-Romantic'.
20 I am grateful to Anna Kasket for letting me consult her undergraduate
dissertation: ` ``How Like a Widow?'': Lamentations in English Literature
of the 1640s'.
21 Starn, Contrary Commonwealth, p. 24, remarks on the use of the genres of
elegy and consolatio by exiles.
22 Quotations are taken from the MS (BL Egerton 2402) identi®ed as the
author's in Richard S. Sylvester (ed.), The Life and Death of Cardinal
Wolsey, by George Cavendish (Oxford University Press, for EETS, 1959).
The transcription of the envoi is emended from that on pp. x±xi. See
also the edition of Metrical Visions by A. S. G. Edwards (Columbia, S.C.:
University of South Carolina Press for Newberry Library, 1980); Emrys
Jones prints the elegy on Mary in The New Oxford Book of 16th-Century
Verse, pp. 131±4. As John Kerrigan remarks in Motives, p. 25, it obviously
imitates the Mirror for Magistrates, despite the fact that this was
suppressed under Mary.
23 As John Kerrigan has pointed out in his discussion of lamentation,
topics of bereavement, family betrayal and loss of state `shadow but do
not coincide with the shapes of love lament': Motives, p. 55.
24 Catholics had no monopoly on this: see also The Answere of a Mother Unto
Her Seduced Sonnes Letter (1627), printing a Catholic text re-titled `A letter
written from Doway 6. of March 1627. By a seduced sonne unto his
mother', together with a response which, though described as a letter,
breaks into dialogue between mother and son at one point. This is
recognised in the re-titling of the enlarged second edition: A Mothers
Teares Over Hir Seduced Sonne: Or a Dissuasive From Idolatry (1627).
25 Quoted from Katherine Duncan-Jones (ed.), Sir Philip Sidney (Oxford
University Press, 1989), p. 229.
26 Abbie Potts, The Elegiac Mode (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1967),
p. 37.
27 W. David Shaw, `Elegy and Theory ± Is Historical and Critical
Knowledge Possible?', MLQ , 55:1 (1994), pp. 1±16 (quotation p. 14).
28 Versibus impariter iunctis querimonia primum, / post etiam inclusa est voti sententia
compos (ll. 75±6): quoted from the edition and translation by H. Rushton
Fairclough in the Loeb Classical Library series (Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press, this edn. 1978), pp. 456±7.
29 See H. L. Bennett, `The Principal Historical Conventions in the
Renaissance Personal Elegy', Studies in Philology, 51 (1954), pp. 107±26.
Francis White Weitzmann, `Notes on the Elizabethan Elegie', PMLA, 50
(1935), pp. 435±43, points out that the Elizabethans could use the term
to mean a didactic poem.
30 Barbara Lewalski, Donne's `Anniversaries' and the Poetry of Praise: The
Creation of a Symbolic Mode (Princeton University Press, 1973).
Notes to pages 178±82 283
31 Quoted from The Complete Works of Thomas Lodge, facsimile edn., 4 vols
(New York: Russell & Russell, 1963), i, f.37a.
32 The change of direction which Lodge's conversion brought about in his
literary career was brie¯y discussed in chapter two.
33 There is a recent summary of the evidence in George Alan Clugston's
edition of Lodge and Greene's A Looking Glasse for London and England
(New York: Garland, 1980), introduction. Guiney (pp. 229±39) and
Thurston, `Catholic Writers', have previously discussed the Catholic
content of the poem.
34 Drayton illustrates the connection between the two: `For now as
Elegiack I bewaile / These poore base times; then suddainly I raile /
And am Satirick' (`To Master William Jeffreys', in Works, ed. J. William
Hebel, 5 vols (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1931±41), iii, p. 240). Another
poem of Drayton's, `On the noble lady Aston's departure for Spain'
(p. 105, ll. 1±6), has the term `elegy' used for departure.
35 Two similar poems by Catholic authors ± published, unlike Lodge's,
outside the mainstream ± are Holy Churches Complaint [c.1598±1601]
and Verstegan, Odes, pp. 94±7. Two uses of the trope in manuscript
Latin Catholic poetry can be found in CSPD, Addenda (15) 28, 58 (v);
and Trinity College, Cambridge, O.3.53, `De Calamitate Britannica
Ode'.
36 Hackett, Virgin Mother, p. 28.
37 Quoted from Jones (ed.), New Oxford Book of 16th-Century Verse, pp. 550±1.
38 Margaret Aston, `English Ruins and English History: The Dissolution
and the Sense of the Past', JWCI, 36 (1973), pp. 232±55.
39 Gothic survival and revival is a topic that needs a full-length inter-
disciplinary reconsideration. Standard histories of the Gothic revival,
even Michael McCarthy's recent The Origins of the Gothic Revival (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1987), tend to start from the mid-
eighteenth century, and draw their evidence largely from surviving
buildings and elite architectural theorists. Kenneth Clark's often-
reprinted The Gothic Revival (1928: this edn. 1970, repr. London: John
Murray, 1995), while acknowledging that Gothic was maintained in
early modern England by vernacular builders and recorded by anti-
quarians, calls their efforts a `tiny brackish stream' (p. 11).
40 Whereas most statues of the Virgin portray her standing, the statue of
Our Lady of Walsingham shows her sitting on a throne with the infant
Jesus in her arms. The visual image suggested by this verse may be
intended as a Protestantised travesty of this, with Satan in the arms of
Sin.
41 Quotations taken from Robert Knightley, Alfrede or Right Reinthron'd, ed.
Albert H. Tricomi (New York: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and
Studies 99, 1993), pp. 154±5. See also Arthur Freeman, `William Drury,
Dramatist', RH, 8:5 (1966), pp. 293±7.
42 ARCR i, no. 1,011. In his edition of the play (Austin: University of Texas
284 Notes to pages 183±8
Press, 1964), from which the Latin and English quotations are taken,
Louis A. Schuster describes how it was inspired by Sander's De Origine
ac Progressu Schismatis Anglicani; Sander had lived for a time in Louvain.
Vernulaeus treats the story of Thomas Becket in an analogous manner
in S. Thomas Cantuariensis [1625] (pp. 547±614 in his Tragúdiae Decem
(Louvain, 1631), not in ARCR i).
43 Delubra iacent obruta ¯ammis,
Sacros rapiunt cineres venti,
Destruit aras impius ignis,
Christusque suis pellitur aris,
Multum in templis perplacet aurum,
Aurumque reas ef®cit aras.
Populator amat quicquid ditat . . .
Pars Belgiacas incolet oras,
Pars Italicos incolet agros,
Pars Occiduos viset Iberos.
Sparsi toto protinus Orbe
Miseri latebimus exules. (f.E2)
I am grateful to Julia Grif®n for this reference.
44 Quoted from the translation in Victor Houliston, `Breuis Dialogismus',
ELR, 23.3 (1993), pp. 382±427 (see also his article `St Thomas Becket in
the Propaganda of the English Counter-Reformation', Renaissance
Studies, 7:1 (1993), pp. 43±70). I am grateful to Dr Houliston for letting
me see a copy of the translation before publication.
45 See Alastair Fowler, Kinds of Literature (Oxford: Clarendon, 1982),
pp. 136±7, 174.
46 Quoted from Jones (ed.), New Oxford Book of 16th-Century Verse, pp. 332±7.
47 Catholic Ireland yielded a number of weeping Irelands around this
date, mainly connected with the Irish Rebellion in 1641. Some are
plays, like Colas Furie or Lirenda's Miserie,`Lirenda' being a transparent
anagram of `Ireland' (see Patricia Coughlan, ` ``Enter Revenge'': Henry
Burkhead and Cola's Furie', Theatre Research International, 15.1 (1990),
pp. 1±17); or Landgartha (1640), in which Ireland is personi®ed as a
Norwegian princess (see Catherine Shaw, `Landgartha and the Irish
Dilemma', Eire-Ireland, 13 (1968), pp. 26±39). Woodcuts of Ireland
bemoaning her dismembered sons can be found in pamphlets, e.g. A
Prospect of Bleeding Irelands Miseries (1647).
48 See Daniel Woolf, `Conscience, Constancy and Ambition in the Career
and Writings of James Howell', in John Morrill, Paul Slack and Daniel
Woolf (eds.), Public Duty and Private Conscience in 17th-Century England
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993).
49 Cf. Seidel, Exile, p. 13.
50 Ratio Discendi et Docendi (1685), discussed by Diana de Marly Batsford,
Costume on the Stage 1600±1940 (London: Batsford, 1982), p. 12. For a later
(eighteenth-century) description of Jesuit costumes for Comoedia and
Tragoedia, see Alexander Rudin (ed.), Franz Lang: Abhandlung uber dieÈ
Schauspielkunst (Dissertatio de Actione Scenica), (Berne: A. Francke, 1975),
Notes to pages 188±90 285
pp. 112, 150 (see also the costumes for Haeresis, Hypocrisis and
Idololatria, pp. 124, 127).
51 V.E.C. MS 321 (ff.123a±176b) (3); V.E.C. Scritt. 33 (3) (frag.) All
transcriptions are taken from the former.
52 c o m o e d i a Nec alarum remigio.
t r a g o e d i a Nec pedum talaribus.
c o m Nec velorum pennis.
t r a g Nec essedorum currubus
Vecti.
c o m Londinum appulistis.
a m b o Spectatissimi.
Ã
c o m Hµc, portus rostratis statio est ®da puppibus.
t r a g Dulcis hµc amoenas allambit ripas Thamesis.
Ã
c o m Pontem en sacris martyrum stellantem comis.
t r a g Hic, carcer aerumnis Romanae alumnos premit
Fidei.
c o m Captiva hµc Religio.
Ã
t r a g Malis
Gravatur asperis. (f.123b)
Talaribus has been emended from talariis (of or belonging to dice).
Robert Carver has pointed out to me the allusions to Virgil, Aeneid, I,
301, & VI, 19, in this passage.
53 c o m o e d i a Reliqua nunc auribus,
t r a g o e d i a Et oculis, benigne.
c o m Haurienda. linquimus.
t r a Qui Prologi ad vos ornatu venimus.
c o m Unicum
Vos erga indultum accepimus:
t r a Tragi-
c o m Comoedia
In scenam prodit:
t r a Risus nil moror, malo
Suspiria.
c o m Risus malo, nil moror suspiria.
t r a Lugubris Angliam ¯etus squalentem decet.
c o m Ludicris squalentem solari decet Angliam.
t r a Eheu!
c o m Vah!
t r a Hei mihi!
c o m O festum diem!
t r a Lachrymae,
c o m Adeste ioci.
t r a Flete.
c o m Ridete.
tra Placet, Angliae modo[.]
a m b o Spectatores, benevolis vacetis mentibus. (f.123b)
54 State Papers Foreign, Italian states and Rome: 85/4/101. Summarised
in Feil, `Sir Tobie Matthew', p. 78.
55 He is not, unfortunately, identi®able from the (imperfectly surviving)
Responsa Scholarum of the English College, Rome, ed. Anthony Kenny,
286 Notes to pages 190±2
Part i, 1598±1621 ([London]: CRS, no. 54, 1962), or from John Doran,
The History of Court Fools (London: Richard Bentley, 1858), or Enid
Welsford, The Fool (London: Faber & Faber, 1935). Archibald Arm-
strong, a fool to James I, travelled to the court of Spain, and a letter
survives in which he invokes the Virgin, perhaps facetiously (28 April
1623: BL Add.MS. 19,402, f.159).
56 Helgerson, Forms of Nationhood, p. 219.
57 See Chapter six.
58 L. E. Whatmore, `William Somers, Henry VIII's Jester', Biographical
Studies, 1534±1829, 1:2 (1951), pp. 128±30.
59 Bod. MS Rawl. Poet. 171, ff.60±82. First identi®ed in G. C. Moore
Smith, `Notes on Some English University Plays', MLR, 3 (1908),
pp. 143±6.
60 Elpis evasit manus cruenti Mysi
Sic haeresis rabiem pauci qui Bootim modo
Tyberim aut Pysuerga[m] bibunt. det illis numen faciles
In Angliam reditus . . .
The above translation is Moore Smith's; punctuation emended from
the MS. The Venerable English College, Rome, stands near the Tiber;
`Baetis' is the Guadalquivir, on which stands Seville, where an English
College was established in 1592. Moore Smith inferred a local signi®-
cance from the non-classical name of Pisuerga, the river upon which
Valladolid stands, and suggested that the play came from the English
College at Valladolid. He may be right, though not for this reason ±
Valladolid would not have had a monopoly among the English Colleges
in referring to itself or its own river. If the identi®cation is correct, then
it may be the (highly unsuccessful) play performed at Valladolid to
entertain Philip III of Spain in June 1615: see Valladolid, Registers, ed.
Henson, p. xxiv (translated). MacCabe, Introduction to the English Jesuit
Theatre, p. 235, accepts Moore Smith's identi®cation, having formerly
queried it (in MacCabe, `Notes', p. 368, where he reports that Moore
Smith himself had suggested to him that Psyche et Filii Eius, described in
the Bodleian catalogue as a play de lugentis Angliae facie, can possibly be
identi®ed with a declamatio de statu calamitoso Angliae performed at
St Omer on 30 October 1643). But given that declamatio generally
signi®es a debate rather than a play, it seems unlikely that Psyche et Filii
Eius could be so described; and the subject itself is commonplace.
61 See Lewis and Short under `P±stum'.
62 ánigma solvitur, nam huc miseriae appulimus
Non nisi ±nigmate licitum est vera loqui.
Sub Psyches nomine Anglia exoptat rosam
Florem avit± ®dei, qui quondam eius
Erroribus aetas auras multiplici germine
Alia in regna fuderat. ah pudet dicere
Qualis nunc foetor est ubi dulces olim halitus.
Hoc novit Anglia, luget, ingemiscit, dolet . . .
Erotis schemate omnes Catholici latent
Notes to pages 192±5 287
Hos Mysus premit, Mysus quem haeresim nuncupo
Proteo mobiliorem haeresim, omnes haec ®guras subiens
Non turpe putat e monstri fari faucibus
Dummodo sententiam capitis in Catholicum ferat.
`Erroribus' is an emendation from `Erratis [?]'.
63 O si quis Hercules hydrae pullulantia capita
Fidei contunderet clava, et liberaret Angliam[.]
(Clava (club) is an emendation from clavo (nail or rudder, though cf. the
quotation at fn 65 below). In addition, Jane Stevenson has pointed
out to me the pun on clavis (implying St Peter's keys) in the last line.) Cf.
G. E. Varey, `Minor Dramatic Forms in Spain With Special Reference
to Puppets', 2 vols (Cambridge PhD thesis, 1950), i, p. 154, for a
description of the battle between Hercules and the hydra, depicted in
®reworks, at Segovia in 1613.
64 Nigel Grif®n, `Some Aspects of Jesuit School Drama, 1550±1600, With
Particular Reference to Spain and Portugal', 2 vols (Oxford D.Phil
thesis, 1975), p. 49. I am grateful to Dr Grif®n for his help with my thesis.
65 Psyches vidistis lachrymas! mysterium habent.
Mysterium quod melius lachrymae, quam lingua doceat.
Psyche (iam nostis Angliae quod vices gerat.)
Volvitur curarum ±stu naufragium timens
Nec vanus terror, haeresis cum clavum regit.
O Anglia, Anglia . . .
66 Though no key survives to Antipaelargesis (St Omer, n.d.) its theme of
®lial sacri®ce may have a similar relevance to England. The play has
been edited by Charles Burnett and Masahiro Takenaka: Jesuit Plays on
Japan and English Recusancy (Tokyo: Sophia University (Renaissance
Monographs 21), 1995). I am grateful to both editors for an advance
copy of the translation, and much information on Jesuit drama. See also
‚Ã
Valentin, Theatre des Jesuites (1983±4), ii, subject-index under Amour des
Á
Parents and Pere et Fils.

6 the subject of exile : ii
1 Starn, Contrary Commonwealth, p. 125.
2 Paul Tabori, The Anatomy of Exile: A Semantic and Historical Study (London:
Harrap, 1972), pp. 32 ff.
3 E.g. in Hebrews 11. 13±16. See Josephine Evetts-Secker, `Fuga S±culi or
Holy Hatred of the World: John Donne and Henry Hawkins', RH, 14:1
(1977), pp. 40±52, on the notion of England as an island adrift from the
united Catholic continent in `Treatise of the Holy Hatred of the World',
the versi®ed preface to Hawkins's translation of Giovanni Pietro
Maffei's Fuga S±culi (1632).
4 H. E. Rollins, Old English Ballads, 1553±1625, Chie¯y From Manuscript
(Cambridge University Press, 1920), no. 24 (all poems in this section are
transcribed from Rollins, unless otherwise stated). Another version of
`Jerusalem, my happy home', together with a version of `Jerusalem, thy
288 Notes to pages 196±200
joys divine' (Rollins, no. 25), appears in The Song of Mary the Mother of
Christ (1601), an anthology probably taken from a Catholic MS. See also
under title in John Julian, A Dictionary of Hymnology (London: John
Murray, 1907).
5 Rollins, Old English Ballads, p. 169, for variants.
6 This is probably echoed (or vice versa) in `Amount, my soul', Rollins, no.
23 st.19:
Good Magdalene hath lefte her mone,
her sighs and sobes doe cease;
And since her teares and plaintes are gone,
she lives in endlesse peace.
7 This hymn was sometimes attributed to Augustine at this date, and may
be alluded to by his singing in `Jerusalem, my happy home'. The visions
of heaven in the two ballads have similarities, though partly because
they both paraphrase descriptions of the new Jerusalem from the Book
of Revelation.
8 A translation of the hymn can be found in J. M. Neale (ed. and trans.),
Collected Hymns, Sequences and Carols (London: Hodder & Stoughton,
1914), pp. 162±5. I am grateful to Jeremy Maule for these references.
9 A more literal translation of the Latin (ll. 3±4 below) is Neale's `Lead
me, when my warfare's girdle / I shall cast away from me'.
10 Christe, Palma bellatorum,
Hoc in Municipium
Introduc me, post solutum
Militare cingulum;
Fac consortem donativi
Beatorum civium.
Pr±be vires inexhausto
Laboranti prúlio;
Ut quietem post pr±cinctum
Debeas emerito;
Teque merear potiri
Sine ®ne pr±mio. (p. 15)
11 A currently ± or hitherto ± obsolete term (OED): `Resting in hope or
expectation.'
12 Alluding to Revelation 21. 21.
13 There were a few mainstream printed versions: see Rollins, Old English
Ballads, pp. 163±4 (noting variants).
14 Macdonald and Brown (eds.), Poems of Robert Southwell, pp. 47±8.
15 David Crystal, The Cambridge Encyclopaedia of the English Language (Cam-
bridge University Press, 1995), p. 403; Paul van Buren, The Edges of
Language: An Essay in the Logic of a Religion (London: SCM, 1972).
16 OED.
17 On the assumption that the burden was sung at the close of each
stanza, or after short groups of stanzas.
18 Rollins, Old English Ballads, p. 169.
Notes to pages 201±3 289
19 For the Salve Regina, see New Catholic Encyclop±dia, 15 vols (New York:
McGraw-Hill, 1967), xii, p. 1,002. Tabori, Anatomy, p. 31, links it with
the contemptus mundi commonplace.
20 See Michael E. Williams, St. Alban's College, Valladolid: Four Centuries of
English Catholic Presence in Spain (London: C. Hurst, 1986), ch. 5; Bede
Camm, In the Brave Days of Old: Historical Sketches of the Elizabethan
Persecution (London: Art & Book Co., 1899) pp. 177ff.: the personi®cation
continues in Camm's use of the Vulnerata as a frontispiece. The
Vulnerata is central to a complex iconographical programme in the
chapel featuring the portraits of English martyrs, and I am grateful to
Harriet Hawkes for letting me see her photographs of these.
21 Camille, Gothic Idol, p. xxvi, discusses how new meanings can be super-
imposed on to old images as they decay.
22 Ann Kibbey, The Interpretation of Material Shapes in Puritanism (Cambridge
University Press, 1986), comments on Ely (pp. 47±8). For the character-
istic mutilation of iconoclasm, cf. J. R. Phillips, The Reformation of Images:
Destruction of Art in England, 1535±1660 (Los Angeles: University of
California Press, 1973), ®gs. 16±21, 36±8; from the practical point of
view, these appendages are usually the portions of a statue it is easiest to
break. The miracles performed by the Virgin for dismembered suppli-
ants were satirised in anti-Catholic pamphlets, e.g. in London's pope-
burning procession of 1673, when the pope's scaffold-speech included
an anecdote about a Damascene who had his right hand restored in this
manner: The Last Speech and Confession of the Whore of Babylon (1673), p. 4.
23 Stephen Greenblatt, Learning to Curse: Essays in Early Modern Culture (New
York: Routledge, 1989), p. 172.
24 For details of the manuscript, see note 26.
25 Kevin Sharpe, Politics and Ideas in Early Stuart England. Essays and Studies
(London: Pinter, 1989), p. 49.
26 The main contemporary account is Antonio Ortiz, Relacion de la Venida
de los Reyes Catolicos, al Colegio Ingles de Valladolid (1600). It is divided into
two parts, the ®rst describing the reception of the Royal couple and the
second that of the Vulnerata. It is partially translated by Francis Rivers
as A Relation of the Solemnetie Wherewith the Catholike Princes K. Phillip the III
and Quene Margaret Were Receyued in the Inglish Colledge of Valladolid (1601);
the account of the Vulnerata's reception, and a few other passages, are
omitted, possibly to enhance the conciliatory nature of a publication
which ± if one is to take Rivers's dedication of the book to the Lord
Chamberlain of England at face value ± may have aimed to demon-
strate continued Spanish goodwill towards England at a time when the
two countries were still at war. V.E.C. Liber 1422, ff.49a±61a (and eight
unnumbered pp. of hieroglyphics) is a translation of the second part of
Ortiz which complements Rivers; all quotations are taken from this.
See also Williams, St. Alban's College, Valladolid, pp. 62±3; Albert J.
Loomie, The Spanish Elizabethans: The English Exiles at the Court of Philip II
290 Notes to pages 203±6
(London: Burns & Oates, 1963), pp. 214±15; [Mgr Ronald Hishon],
College of Saints and Martyrs: The English College, Valladolid. 1589±1989
(London: Catholic Truth Society, 1989); [Robert Persons], A Relation of
the King of Spaines Receiving in Valliodolid (1592), an account of an earlier
visit which also details the emblems for the occasion (pp. 23±4, 52±3);
Registers of the English College at Valladolid, ed. Edwin Henson (London:
CRS, 1930), pp. xx, xxxii (for an account of the statue's temporary
deposition in Valladolid Cathedral in 1679).
27 Hackett, Virgin Mother.
28 Triangular brackets, selected erasures of ®rst hand; round brackets,
insertions in second hand.
29 See Peter Holmes, Resistance and Compromise: The Political Thought of the
Elizabethan Catholics (Cambridge University Press, 1982), pp. 64, 81.
Anthony Munday describes how Elizabeth was sometimes referred to
by the epithet of Jezebel at Rome, and how she and her councillors
were railed against: The English Roman Life, ed. Philip Ayres (Oxford:
Clarendon, 1982), pp. 25, 28, 92.
30 Litt. Ann. 1609/1610; Cardwell Collections, Farm Street, London, vol.
iii, ff.37±38a.
31 In Granada on 13 September 1635, her triumph over heretics was
celebrated by a pyrotechnical display in which a castle of ®reworks,
representing her chastity, was shown with heretics burning and giants
lobbing rockets and crackers from it. See Varey, `Minor Dramatic Forms',
i, p. 155. Varey also describes (ii, p. 153) a presentation at Salamanca in
1658 utilising Marian symbolism, showing a tower on which heretics are
consumed by ¯ames and Faith stands forth triumphant.
32 See Jacques Lafaye (trans. Benjamin Keen), Quetzalcoatl and Guadalupe:
The Formation of Mexican National Consciousness, 1531±1813 (University of
Chicago Press, 1976); references to the Virgin of Guadalupe in Octavio
Paz, Sor Juana: Her Life and Her World (London: Faber & Faber, 1988)
pp. 40±1; Jean Franco, Plotting Women: Gender and Representation in Mexico
(London: Verso, 1989).
33 Poets too were sometimes incautious in their language: see the acrostic
poem in BL Add.MS. 23, 229, f.39a, which calls Mary a `powerfull
Goddesse'.
34 E.g. in Verstegan, Odes, pp. 55±6, `A reprehension of the reprehending
of our ladies praise':
And let performance of her woorthy praise,
Of her praise-yeilding race remaine the signe,
That so the blame that for it others raise,
Become the marck of their dissenting lyne. (p. 56)
Some polemical works address the point, e.g. Maria Triumphans (1635), in
which Mariadulus, an imprisoned Catholic priest, and Mariamastix,
described as an `Imaginary Precisian, and a Minister', debate the
validity of Marian veneration. Analogues can be found in the de®ant
triumphalism of nineteenth-century Catholicism: e.g.
Notes to pages 206±7 291
O teach me, holy Mary,
A loving song to frame,
When wicked men blaspheme thee,
I'll love and bless thy name.
(From ®rst verse and chorus to Hymn 112, Westminster Hymnal
(London: Burns, Oates & Washbourne, 1912)).
35 For the Marian devotion of the English Jesuit colleges, see also C.N.,
Our Ladie Hath a New Sonne (1595); for the personi®cation of the True
Church, see The Holy Churches Complaint [c. 1598±1601] (facs. Ilkley:
Scolar Press, 1975).
36 Tapestries (panos or tapices) were used extensively by Spanish Jesuits to
create an effect of ornatus, as often for the walls of a theatre or a stage:
cf. Grif®n, `Aspects', pp. 51±3.
37 Grif®n, `Aspects', p. 54; see also pp. 53, 56, and Grif®n's article, `Miguel
Venegas and the 16th-Century Jesuit School Drama', MLR, 68 (1973),
pp. 796±806; Jennifer Montagu, `The Painted Enigma and French
17th-Century Art',JWCI, 31 (1968), pp. 307±5.
38 Umbra fovet Platani nimio siccata calore
Corpora; et h±c, vafros fronde fugat colubros.
Tu platanus (pia Virgo) ±stus Syriumque repellens;
Hac recubans umbra, tutus ab hoste manet.
Ergo salutifera Mari± requiesce sub umbra
Qui nocuas ¯ammas, h±reticosque fugis.
Like many of the emblems below, this alludes in part to one of the titles
of the Virgin in the Litany of Loreto: `Quasi Platanus'. Cf. Verstegan,
Odes, p. 48.
39 Cf. Henry Hawkins, Parthenia Sacra (1633), pp. 151±61; the frontispiece
of Eikon Basilike (1649) where it is emblematic of Charles I as confessor
and martyr. See Rosemary Freeman, English Emblem Books (London:
Chatto & Windus, 1948), pp. 50, 77, 150±1, 184, 228; index of emblems
to Mario Praz, Studies in 17th-Century Imagery, 2 vols (2nd edn. Rome:
Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1964); J. M. Diaz de Bustamente,
`Onerata Resurgit. Notas a la Tradicion Simbolica y Emblematica de la
Palmera', Helmantica, 31, nos. 94±6 (1980), pp. 27±88; Pedro A. Galera
Andreu, `La Palmera, Arbor Victoriae. Re¯exiones Sobre un Tema
Emblematico', Goya, nos. 187±8, (1985), pp. 63±7; Peter Davidson, The
Vocal Forest: A Study of the Context of Three Low Countries Printers' Devices of
the 17th Century (Leiden: Academic Press, 1996), pp. 11±14.
40 Freeman, English Emblem Books, p. 93.
41 For other Marian hieroglyphs see Jacques Callot, Vita Beatae Mariae
Virginis Matris Dei Emblematibus Delineata (1646); Appendix Z to Pedro F.
Campa, Emblemata Hispanica: An Annotated Bibliography of Spanish Emblem
Literature to the Year 1700 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1990) has a
short-title bibliography to fete, royal entry and funeral books of the
Spanish Golden Age containing emblematic material.
42 Mary was the subject or dedicatee of a number of Jesuit dramas: see
292 Notes to pages 208±10
‚Ã
Muller, Jesuitendrama, ii, p. 119; Valentin, Theatre des Jesuites, ii, subject-
index.
43 Act ii ii (pp. 458±460). Quoted from Simons's Tragúdi± Quinque (1st
edn., 1656). Simons's plays have been translated by Louis J. Oldani and
Philip C. Fischer as Jesuit Theatre Englished: Five Tragedies of Joseph Simons
(St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1989), from which the following
translations come. (Starred translations have been slightly emended.)
44 O turpe spectrum! Coelitum vanus colis
Simulacra? Caesar, jussa proculcat tua.
45 t h e o p h i l u s O mater! O lux orbis! O rerum salus!
Quam per pericla, perque Carni®cum metus
Servavit usque natus illaesam tuus.
Da pauca tecum corde sollicito loquar.
s a b a t i u s Puelle vecors, verba simulacro facis?
46 This point is not brought out in the translation from Jesuit Theater
Englished: `In his impiety he venerates a mere picture of a saint.'
47 However, Tarasius the Patriarch, a character who has died in exile,
appears in a dream to Leo in i ii: Jesuit Theater Englished, p. 330.
48 t Dic mater, unde tantus Eoum furor
Divexet orbem? Rara perpetuum ®des
Servat tenorem. Fas jacet, ¯oret nefas.
s Per te patremque, fas jacet, ¯oret nefas.
t Quin & tuorum castus occumbit chorus:
Pars ense, pars squalore, pars fuga perit.
Qui te Sabaea nube genitricem colat,
(O digna thure mater aeterno coli.)
Rarus per orbem superest.
s Exsuperet licet;
Rerum potitus impios dedam neci.
49 The stage direction Imagine[m], qua[m] nequit per vim extorquere, pugione in os
vulnerat, & exit, which appears after Potens Maria in the 1656 text, ought
probably to appear after Chalybe rescindam manum or O facinus! in
Theophilus's next speech.
50 cerno? Nec suos latent
Retroacta in orbes lumina, & tantum nefas
Pati recusant? Prome singultus dolor,
Oculosq[ue] densa conde lacrymarum vice . . .
Quo fulgor oris, dulce quo frontis jubar,
Quo luminum recessit Augustus decor? . . .
Fuscate radios astra: Virgineos latro
Radios abegit. Conde sol oris decus:
En majus oris periit erasum decus.
Perite ¯ores: Laesa jam ¯orum est parens.
Marcescite rosae, Coelitum elanguet rosa.
Pix atra canum liliis turpet caput:
En liliatum spina labefecit caput . . .
Assertor orbis, Virginis magnae parens,
Notes to pages 210±13 293
Idemque nate: non ut iratum vibres
Ab axe fulmen, matris ulturus probrum,
Rogo: scelestum poena non dubia premet.
Impune Matrem nemo violavit tuam.
Da, da Mariam foedere aeterno colam:
Cujusq[ue] pictam laesit ef®giem Leo;
Da, non movendum corde simulacrum geram.
Haec summa voti, Mater orantem juva.
51 Probably William Cecil, Lord Burleigh. For these plays, see Martin
Murphy, St. Gregory's College, Seville, 1592±1767 (London: CRS 73, 1992),
pp. 19±20. I am grateful to Dr Murphy for information on Jesuit
drama.
52 V.E.C., Liber 321 (2), ff.61a±121a; see Gossett, `Drama', pp. 60±93; and
Houliston, `St Thomas Becket'. This was well before the ®rst German
‚Ã
use of the theme, at Constanz in 1626: Valentin, Theatre des Jesuites
(1983±1984), i, no. 958, p. 112.
53 Salvator tuis
Obtemperavi vicibus, dedi ®dem
Tuam Brytannis: . . .
sanguinis non est datum
Nostri rigare rore; martyrii decus
Nondum Brytannae mellis est merces data,
Dabitur deinde, fusus aperiet cruor
Coelum Brytannis: astra penitrabit frequens
Et purpuratus Anglus: adopertas fores
Albanus illas vidit, et alii suas
Meruere sanguine laureas tingi suo:
Aspirat et nunc Purpurae clarum caput
Thomas, potentum proterens Regum impia
Mandata, vobis ille spectetur: dabit
Hoc approbatum: facilis a terris via
Ad astra fortibus: viam Thomas docet . . . (scene 1)
The reading `vicibus' in line 2 is emended from `vocibus(?)'.
54 A post-Reformation Catholic account of this is given in Richard
Brown, S. Thomas Cantuariensis et Henrici II Illustris. Anglorum Regis
Monomachia (1626).
55 Non ®cta gerimus sceptra, non plausu tenus
Occupo theatrum ®ctus ad ludos breves
Iners Tyrannus . . . (i iv)
56 . . . pondus ac decus dabit
Rei theatrum, principes inter viros
Rex ipse primas [vices] sustinet: . . .
Notetque quisque lege quis vestra Chori
Leges tenebit melius ut dignam ferat
Quam quisque palmam meruit . . . (ii i)
57 Chaney, Grand Tour, p. 39 (and n. 85) discusses The Life or the Ecclesiasticall
Historie of S. Thomas Archbishope of Canterbury, trans. and adapt. A.B., from
294 Notes to pages 213±14
Baronius's Annales, 1,163±74 (1639) which praises Thomas Becket in its
dedication for knowing God's part from Caesar's; he further suggests of
the ®gures in the frontispiece that their placement was inspired by
dramatic prototypes.
58 Jos Simons (ed. and trans.), `Ambrosia': A Neo-Latin Drama (Assen: Van
Gorcum, 1970).
59 Alison Shell, ` ``We Are Made a Spectacle'': Campion's Dramas', in
McCoog (ed.), Reckoned Expense.
60 The speech is transcribed and translated in ibid., pp. 116±17.
61 V.E.C., MS 321 (1) and (4), ff.2b±60a, 179a±232b (incomplete). `Rof-
fensis' is Fisher's Latin title as Bishop of Rochester.
62 Houliston, `St Thomas Becket', pp. 44 ff.
63 MS. Stonyhurst B vii. 23 (1), fourth item. No evidence survives as to
when it was performed: see MacCabe, Introduction, p. 102; Muller,
Jesuitendrama, ii, p. 127; and cf. Thomas Carleton's lost play Henrico 8o
(Douai, 1623).
64 Morus cites William Roper's life of More, The Mirror of Vertue (1626) and
Nicholas Sander's De Origine ac Progressu Schismatis Anglicani (1585) at the
end of its argumentum. Sander's was by far the most in¯uential and
widely translated of the English Catholic histories of the schism: see
ARCR i, nos. 972±1,011. The translation used here has been David
Lewis's (London: Burns & Oates 1877). See also Nicholas Harps®eld,
Historia Anglicana Ecclesiastica (1622); David Chalmers, De Ortu & Progressu
Haeresis in Regnis Scotiae & Angliae (1631); John Pits, Relationum Historiarum
de Rebus Anglicis (1619).
65 It is the longest of the Lives, 261 pages in comparison to the Life of the
apostle (twenty-six pages) and that of Thomas Becket (141 pages). See
The Life and Illustrious Martyrdom of Sir Thomas More, by Thomas Stapleton,
trans. Philip E. Hallett, intro. and notes, E. E. Reynolds (London:
Burns & Oates, 1928, repr. 1966) pp. xi±xii. Stapleton's most important
sources were the brief manuscript memoir of More written by More's
son-in-law William Roper, possibly the longer biography by Nicholas
Harps®eld which was based on Roper's account and enjoyed an
international circulation in manuscript in the late sixteenth and early
seventeenth centuries, and a series of letters formerly belonging to
John Harris, More's one-time secretary (pp. xii±xiii). See also The Life
and Death of Sr Thomas Moore . . . Written . . . by Nicholas Harps®eld, ed.
Elsie Vaughan Hitchcock (London: E.E.T.S., 1932), with an intro-
duction describing the eight Harps®eld MSS in detail; William Roper
and Nicholas Harps®eld: Lives of St. Thomas More, ed. E. E. Reynolds
(London: Dent, 1963), introduction. Richard Marius, Thomas More: A
Biography (London: Collins, 1986) is the standard modern life, while R.
W. Chambers, Thomas More (Brighton: Harvester, 1982) deals with
More's posthumous history in detail. More's life, in various versions,
was available in other European languages: see Denis Rhodes, `Il
Notes to pages 215±16 295
Moro: Italian Lives of Sir Thomas More', in Edward Chaney and
Peter Mack (eds.), England and the Continental Renaissance. Essays in Honour
of J. B. Trapp (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1990). Lastly, there was oral
anecdote; Cresacre More and other descendants were prominent
members of various Catholic communities on the Continent, and the
More family were zealous guardians of his memory. See James K.
McConica, `The Recusant Reputation of Thomas More', reprinted in
R. S. Sylvester and G. P. Marc'hadour (eds.), Essential Articles For the
Study of Thomas More (Hamden, Connecticut: Archon, 1977); Mark
Robson, `Posthumous Reputations of Thomas More: Critical Readings'
Leeds University PhD, 1997.
66 There is probably an obscene pun on iuris, which also means `broth' or
`stock', and hence `semen' (Lewis and Short).
67 It was believed by some Catholics that Anne Boleyn was Henry's
daughter: see Sander, De Origine, ed. Lewis (1877), preface and Book i,
ch. xiv.
68 Suscipies eandem ®lium istum, quam per tot ¯agitia, perque effusas in omni intemperantia sibi
dires [sic: possibly a contraction of `diritates'] tantopere concupisces; sed ®lium eius modi qui e
matris suae visceribus crudeli ferro efossus, prius Parentem a qua vitam hausit, lucis usura
privabit, quam lucem ipse aspiciat; ®lium sui iuris numquam futurum, sed venenato poculo ab
illis ipsis viperis, quas tu iam sinu foves, illi propinato, praematura morte extinguendum,
ultimamque prolem seu marem seu foeminam ex pestifero tuo semine procreandam . . . Tertio
post Patrem loco Tyrannidem occupabit postrema ex nefanda tua stirpe proles, ex tetranima
illa Lupa pro incestos amores suscipienda: Filia, quae totum Patrem, totamque Matrem una
induet; . . . Et hic terminus esto abominandae prosapiae tuae.
69 Cf. the Cacodaemon in the Praeludium of Sanguinem Sanguis Sive Constans
Fratricida (St Omer, ca. 1600: Bodleian, MS Rawlinson poet. 215).
Though precedence is uncertain, Furor Impius Sive Constans Fratricida (St
Omer, n.d.: Stonyhurst MS. A vii 50 (2), item 8) is probably an
adaptation of this play.
70 Sic sic agendum, fusus extinguat cruor
Inimica lumina lampadum; iniectus cruor

Pretiosus ille sit licet Mori . . . (i iv)
71 Though More's son John takes the historical place of his daughter
Margaret Roper in visiting him in prison and accompanying him on the
way to the scaffold (iii iv±vi, v ii±iii). Cf. Stanley Morison, The likeness of
Thomas More: An Iconographical Survey of Three Centuries (London: Burns &
Oates, 1963), p. 45 (for reductionism operating on More's character)
and p. 20 (for an account of the play Heroica in Adverssi (sic) Constantia
Thomae Mori put on by Jesuits at Olmutz in April 1727, where ± in
contrast ± several of the dramatis personae were taken from Holbein's
family group of the More family).
72 DNB, under Hall.
73 See Gossett, `Drama', p. 66.
74 But a revisionist approach to Fisher has begun: see Brendan Bradshaw
and Eamon Duffy (eds.), Humanism, Reform and Reformation: The Career of
296 Notes to pages 216±18
Bishop John Fisher (Cambridge University Press, 1989); Richard Rex, The
Theology of John Fisher (Cambridge University Press, 1991).
75 The Jesuit John Percy took the name of John Fisher for his controversial
pamphlets: see Milward, ii, p. 143.
76 Probably intended for Anne's father, Thomas Boleyn; but the list of
dramatis personae is missing.
77 r o m a Cecidit, cecidit Regina throno
Et desertis quaeritur thalamis
Praeponitos pellicis amplexus.
Quid non audet violentus amor,
Et cum imperio iuncta libido? . . .
h i s p a n i a En nova nostrae principis intrat
Pellex thalamos. Quid sancta illi
Prodest pietas? quid magnorum
Gloria patrum? . . .
Iacet, iacet, heu, tanta
Ingloria virtus, et regum
Inclyta proles procul a regis
Pellitur aula. (Ist chorus)
Cf. Vernulaeus's Henricus Octavus, above. Praeponitos (line 3) may be a
mistake for praepositos.
78 Julia Gasper, `The Reformation plays on the Public Stage', in J. R.
Mulryne and Margaret Shewring (eds.), Theatre and Government Under the
Early Stuarts (Cambridge University Press, 1993).
79 Quoted from the edition by John Margeson (Cambridge University
Press, 1990).
80 Probably the most famous crux in Henry VIII ± as in Henry VIII's life ±
is whether his conscientious qualms about his marriage to Catherine
should be read as hypocritical or not. The substantial critical literature
on Henry VIII tends to disagree on the extent to which the play should
be read as having controversial, topical or allegorical signi®cance,
suggesting above all that the playwrights ± like, in another context, the
authors of the Book of Common Prayer ± were deliberately creating a
text that was interpretible in a number of ways, and so could be
endorsed by the majority of its audience. For recent summaries and re-
statements, see Gordon McMullan, `Shakespeare and the End of
History', Essays and Studies, 48 (1995), pp. 16±37; Joseph Candido,
`Fashioning Henry VIII: What Shakespeare Saw in When You See Me,
You Know Me', Cahiers Elisabethains, 23 (1983), pp. 47±59; Paul Dean,
`Dramatic Mode and Historical Vision in Henry VIII', Shakespeare
Quarterly, 37.2 (1986), pp. 175±89; Stuart M. Karland, `Henry VIII and
James I: Shakespeare and Jacobean Politics', Shakespeare Studies, 19
(1987), pp. 203±17; Peter L. Rudnytsky, `Henry VIII and the Deconstruc-
tion of History', Shakespeare Survey, 43 (1991), pp. 43±57 (arguing for a
Catholic perspective on the divorce); Camille Wells Slights, `The Politics
of Conscience in All Is True (or Henry VIII)', Shakespeare Survey, 43 (1991),
Notes to pages 218±22 297
pp. 59±68; Ivo Kamps, `Possible Pasts: Historiography and Legitima-
tion in Henry VIII', College English, 58.2 (1996), pp. 192±215; Judith
Anderson, Biographical Truth: The Representation of Historical Persons in
Tudor-Stuart Writing (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984), sug-
gesting Cavendish's Life of Wolsey as a possible source (see above,
chapter 5). Annabel Patterson, ` ``All Is True'': Negotiating the Past in
Henry VIII', in R. B. Parker and S. P. Zitner (eds.), Elizabethan Theater:
Essays in Honor of S. Schoenbaum (Newark: University of Delaware Press,
1996), pp. 147±66, suggests that the play critiques the possibility of
telling the historical truth on stage.
81 Though identi®cation of the hands is only a partial solution to the
question of division of labour: see Vittorio Gabrieli and Giorgio
Melchiori (eds.), Sir Thomas More (Manchester University Press, 1990),
introduction, section 2:4. Quotations below are taken from this edition.
82 Gabrieli and Melchiori emphasise its domestic nature, and in particular
the informal presentation of the trial seen through the eyes of More's
humblest dependants (p. 6). See also Richard Dutton, Mastering the
Revels: The Regulation and Censorship of English Renaissance Drama (London:
Macmillan, 1991), ch. 3.
83 However, this never happened. See Gabrieli and Melchiori (eds.), Sir
Thomas More, pp. 18, 27.
84 This point is made at length in ibid., p. 31, though the editors are
mistaken in attributing Shrewsbury's line at iv i, l. 110, to Surrey.
85 Gabrieli and Melchiori suggest that this speech may contain an oblique
reference to the apocryphal anti-Protestant Erasmian poem D. Erasmi
Rotterdami Carmen Heroicum in Mortem Thomae Mori (1536).
86 Probably meaning in this context `unhealthy' rather than `improvident'
(OED). The life of the poet was traditionally held to be the antithesis of
the public career: see Charles Segal, `Catullan Otiosi: The Lover and
the Poet', Greece and Rome, n.s. 17 (1970), pp. 25±31.
87 See Gabrieli and Melchiori (eds.), Sir Thomas More, pp. 1, 12±16; Sir
Edward Maunde Thompson, `The Autograph Manuscripts of Anthony
Mundy', Library, n.s. 14 (1915±17), pp. 325±53.
88 Gabrieli and Melchiori (eds.), Sir Thomas More, p. 15, point out that the
name of Sherwin listed by Holinshed among the May Day rioters must
have struck Munday, since Campion's companion Ralph Sherwin led a
rebellion against the College Rector, Dr Morris, at the time when
Munday was there. They also postulate, rather less convincingly, that
the retention of the name Morris for Cranmer's secretary is a reference
to the Rector himself.
89 Ibid., pp. 8, 43±4 et passim.
90 Critical consensus places the ®rst version not later than 1593; see ibid.,
p. 12.
91 Critics have often compared the two plays, with articles by A. A. Parker,

`Henry VIII in Shakespeare and Calderon: An Appreciation of La
298 Notes to pages 222±4
Cisma de Ingalaterra [sic]', MLR, 43 (1948), pp. 327±52, and John Loftis,

`Henry VIII and Caldero n's La Cisma de Inglaterra', Comparative Literature,
34.3 (1982), pp. 208±22, proving especially in¯uential. For a summary
‚n
of critical ®ndings, see George Mariscal, `Caldero and Shakespeare:
The Subject of Henry VIII', Bulletin of the Comediantes, 39.2 (1987),
pp. 189±213. The most recent study is Gregory Peter Andrachuk,

`Calderon's View of the English Schism', in Louise and Peter Fothergill-
Payne (eds.), Parallel Lives: Spanish and English National Drama, 1580±1680
(Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press, 1991), pp. 224±38.
92 See Kenneth Muir and Ann L. Mackenzie (eds.), The Schism in England
(Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1990), introduction, esp. p. 25. All quota-
tions and translations are taken from this.
93 ‚
Si fuero licµto dar

al sueno interpretacion,

vieras que estas cartas son
lo que acabo de sonar.


La mano con que escribµa
era la derecha, y era
la doctrina verdadera,

que celoso defendµa;
aquesto la carta muestra

del Pontµ®ce, y querer
deslucir y deshacer
yo con la mano siniestra
su luz, bien dice que lleno

de confusiones verµa

juntos la noche y el dµa,
la triaca y el veneno.
Mas por decir mi grandeza
cuya la victoria es,
baje Lutero a mis pies,

y Leon suba a mi cabeza.

Por arrojar la carta de Lutero a sus pies, y poner la del Pontµ ®ce sobre la
cabeza, las trueca. (Act i, ll. 141±60)
94 See Parker, `Henry VIII'. Gongora is said to have referred to Anne
Boleyn as a she-wolf: see Varey, `Minor Dramatic Forms', ii, p. 205.

conclusion
1 Hibbard, Charles I; Veevers, Images. Recent studies of Jacobitism empha-

sizing the Catholic factor include Paul Kleber Monod, Jacobitism and the
English People, 1688±1788 (Cambridge University Press, 1989); Leo
Gooch, The Desperate Faction? The Jacobites of North-East England,
1688±1745 (University of Hull Press, 1995). See also Daniel Szechi, The
Jacobites: Britain and Europe, 1688±1788 (Manchester University Press,
1994), pp. 18±20, 126±9.
2 Bossy, English Catholic Community, introduction. Jeremy Gregory, `The
Notes to pages 225±6 299
Making of a Protestant Nation: ``Success'' and ``Failure'' in England's
Long Reformation', in Nicholas Tyacke (ed.), England's Long Reformation,
1500±1800 (London: UCL Press, 1998) evaluates differing recent histor-
iographical models of the `success' of the Reformation.
3 See introduction; and, for a recent critique of this approach, Questier,
Conversion, pp. 200±2.

<<

. 9
( 10)



>>